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Part II.

HE potent fact that distinguishes production from distribution (in the sense with which this article deals with these attributes of society), is that the production of raw materials is largely a natural process; in this way-coal, which is a raw material, attains its combustible and chemical properties through a natural process. It only remains to be dug out and transported. No system of society, capitalistic or otherwise, will ever stop for an instant the process and nature of a bed of coal one iota; likewise with the base metals---copper, gold, tin, silver, etc. Agriculture relies more on human aid for development, but even with these products of the earth, the sun, weather and soil play the largest part. Crops already planted, under favorable conditions from the elements already mentioned, will grow the world over despite the system under which production and distribution is carried on. But the party in power (a dictatorship of some kind) can, by disrupting the functions of distribution, leave the coal and metals in the ground or cause the agricultural areas to become sterile in a short time.

Nature of Distribution

But distribution, in its general sense, is almost entirely performed by human labor: more than that, the manner of conducting distribution, or rather in apportioning the products, is almost entirely of human arrangement and energy.

To sum up briefly and perhaps make a certain point clearer-machine development so far has greatly simplified the production of raw materials on the one hand, but has greatly complicated the distribution of the finished products on the other. The reason is that the production of materials is a matter of nature and labor-distribution of the finished products is a human institution-capitalism.

Viewed from any standpoint, the methods of production is a process that changes only with the development of machinery. A revolution could not change the manner of production any more than it could change the course of the earth around the sun. Production is a matter of developing powerapplying labor and machinery to the land.

But a revolution must alter the system of distribution. Not of course such a function as transportation, but all those relative parts of distribution such as buying, selling, finance, etc.

A system of society that succeeds Capitalism, besides abolishing the exploitation of labor, buying and selling of commodities for profit, landlordism, etc., must substitute something to take the place of these functions of capitalism, and what is substituted must be as good or better than the capitalist system; otherwise it will fail or never come about.

Merely to prepare or advocate a revolution and leave to the imagination what will transpire after the denouement will gain nothing.

The workers are robbed of the products of their toil under capitalism, and we are advocating the abolition of capitalism, and a system of society wherein the workers will receive the full products of their labor.

What Is New Society?

But what is this new society, and how will it function?

To say that the workers will receive the full product of their labor in answer to the foregoing question is no answer at all, because the communists and political salvationists give the same answer, and in Russia the workers got very much less than their full product. Nor will such vagaries as "World Revolution," "Social General Strikes," or "Transition Periods" answer at all. Rather, they confuse more than enlighten, and lead the mind of the average worker into the realms of mysticism and doubt from which nothing but stagnation can result. This condition might be desirable from the standpoint of "proletarian dictators" or effeminate saviors of the husky proletariat, but for the I. W. W. with their industrial philosophy, rank and file dictation, etc., -it has no place.

Now in my opinion the I. W. W. have the soundest position in regard to these matters; but they have not as yet developed to the fullest extent the possibilities of that philosophy. Believing this, I am attempting to add a little discussion to the general problem by these articles on the city, in the course of which I can, in passing, pay a little attention to the general problems of revolutionary philosophy.

In this age and country we have in plain view before our mind's eye, cities (nearly a thousand of 8,000 or more population), in which there are more people than in the whole of the vast area that comprises this country. The total space of these towns combined could be easily included in less than half the size of Rhode Island. Nowadays cities are distinctly distributing areas while the rural districts are distinctly producing areas.

Machine development has enslaved the rural districts to the cities in more ways than one, i. e.. by the system of financial control and by the fact that in production and development of the natural resources machinery is absolutely essential. In America the dependance of the basic industries on machinery is more pronounced than in any other country. As the finished machine is the product of the cities, in which places the assembling and technical process can only take place, the producing areas are economically subordinate to the cities.

The development of agriculture, mining, oil production and various other sources of raw materials is also becoming more and more dependent on chemistry, a science which directs its activities from cities. The relation of chemistry to production is a subject in itself and so important is it to agriculture, for instance, that successful production is becoming impossible without the aid of that science. Intensive development of the land which is sure to follow increase of population will make chemistry an absolute necessity in the near future.

No doubt some readers will ask, "Well, what about this distinction of production and distribution areas which you are making; is it not more a question of organizing the workers everywhere regardless of where he is and then doing away with capitalism?" Yes; that is part of the question, but not all of it. For the question of organizing the workers in the cities is a somewhat different problem than with those in the rural sections. The progress of the I. W. W. to date shows this plain enough, and that we have made little if any progress amongst the city workers cannot be denied.

A Horrible Example

The multitudinous activities that occupy the time of Chicago's three million people (including a good proportion who do nothing at all and seem to thrive at it), is subject enough for an army of investigators. We know of the endless array of merchants that infest every street; factories everywhere; offices piled up into the skies; endless streams of people going everywhere and nowhere; children, without a possible computation as to numbers, jamming some streets to a point of impassibility; -everywhere and in everything a cramming and a snarling congestion of humanity and goods.

In a city of three million like Chicago, the I. W. W. has practically no members. I could pick out a dozen small communities in the northwest, in any one of which the active dues-paying members would

AUGUST, 1923

easily outnumber those in Chicago. The same is true of any large city in the East. This condition is not of chance nature. There is a cause for it. and whatever the cause, it is one that certainly needs close study and an adjustment of, not the city conditions to our organization, but of the I. W. W. to the city.

Industrial Chicago

The total output of Chicago's factories in 1914 exceeded that of any state in the country with the exception of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Massachusetts, and, of course, Illinois. Since that time the output has advanced over 20 percent; and while the manufactured products of the four states mentioned have also increased, it is certain that because of its economic advantage as a distribution center, combined with a centralization of population, Chicago's measure of gained production in manufactured commodities is perhaps greater than the states mentioned, with the exception of New York.

Chief in the industries of this city are meat and food packing, clothing, agricultural implements, iron and steel, flour and milling, printing and publishing, electrical appliances and lumber.

In meat and its food by-products Chicago distributes more than any other center.

The volume in which these products are handled in the so-called Central Market (Chicago), is so tremendous as to tax the carrying capacity of the ra'lroads that enter it from every direction. Chicago is the super-market of the entire West and certain areas East of that city. As a domestic distributing center it has no equal. An array of figures could be no more impressive than to say that millions of people in the central and western states are supplied with products of numerous varieties by only three of the largest mail order houses in Chicago. Other of lesser calibre distribute proportionately.

The wholesalers of Chicago: groceries, men's clothing, electric appliances, etc., dominate the whole West. Even within itself such a city is a market of tremendous proportions. Three million people require vast supplies on which to barter and trade -besides living. And Chicago has within its limits such an accumulation of goods-in the warehouses, stores and factories-that it is impossible to even estimate. Perhaps one could never very easily visualize in its entirety the tremendous industrial activities that pervade Chicago today. In ten or twenty years what will it be?

Multiplying such an industrial bee hive by numerous other centers, let us ask ourselves the question: What particular force, or movement, or philosophy, could supplant capitalism and maintain the necessary equilibrium in distribution that must be maintained in these centers?

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ROCKTON, Mass., is the scene of a revolt of 20,000 shoe workers. The factories are shut down. A strike is on against the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union, affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, and with offices in Boston. Behind this union stands the bosses' association.

There have been repeated revolts against this organization, throughout the shoe industry of the country. Many other shoe centers have known bitter conflicts and cessation of operations due to the same causes before this. The Brooklyn 1911 strike of 10,000 workers, under I. W. W. leadership, was also a revolt against the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union. The employers' association boasted that it raised a $1,000,000 fund to beat that strike. There have been many other strikes since then, against the same union and against the same kind of backing.

Well Done, Shoe Workers!

The reason for this repeated occurrence speaks well for the shoe workers. It proves conclusively that they will not be submissive slaves and that the spirit of revolt within them never dies. They know from actual experience that the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union is not a labor organization, but an auxiliary of the boot and shoe employers' association. It is a strikebreaking, scab-herding agency for the latter, that's all. This has been shown in every shoe center where it has been resisted by the workers and supported by the boot and shoe employers' associations.

The officials of the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union do not care at all about the working conditions, wages or hours. In return for the use of the union stamp and the members forced into their organization by the agreement made with employers, they unionize plants at the prevailing conditions and bind all the workers therein to arbitration of all differences that may arise. In the event of a strike or other disputes they undertake to furnish strikebreakers and scabs to fill the places of all who go but. The employers. finding this arrangement to their advantage, collect dues and influence the election of officials favorable to their interests. They have been known to express their preference for certain candidates, through press statements and other ways more direct. They actually run "the union." As already shown, they have been known to raise enormous strikebreaking funds through their various associations in order to keep the A. F. of L. Boot and Shoe Workers' Union on the backs of a working class that refuses to be bled by it. These strikes have been known to last many months. The boot and shoe workers have always, be it said to their credit, fought this labor leech to the limit, at a great expense and cost to the employers' association. They have thus prevented its more extensive growth.

Form Own Union

The Brockton District Shoe Workers' Union has been formed by the revolters. This is an independent union. L W. W. speakers from Boston have addressed the strike meetings and been well received. The message of class-conscious industrial unionism has made a good impression. One of their bulletins, telling the story of the revolt, reads as follows:

To Our Fellow Workers:—

We are representing 20,000 striking shoe workers in the Brockton, Mass., District, and this strike directly or indirectly affects 200,000 people.

This district, until the time of the strike one month ago, was completely in the control of the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union. a strictly non-strike organization which compelled us to submit all differences to the State Board of Conciliation and Arbitration.

This board consists of three members appointed by the governor, the make up of which follows: Chairman Fisher-Lawyer, and Ex-Senator (politically dead).

Mr. Wasgat-Ex-Shoe Manufacturer.

Labor Representative Samuel Ross-Retired Organizer of the Textile Workers; a feeble old man 73 years old, whose physical condition (because of advanced age) prevents him from having any weight or influence with the other members of the State Board.

At the last Convention of the Massachusetts State Branch of the A. F. of L., held at Springfield, Mass., action was taken, requesting Gov. Cox to remove Mr. Ross, the present labor representative of the State Board, but in spite of that fact at the expiration of his term, he was re-appointed for three years.

The contract which compels us to submit all matters and contentions relating to conditions of labor and wage is made with the manufacturers with but one stipulation: that every employe, shall be a member of the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union; adjustments of conditions, labor, or wages, are not taken into consideration at time of granting use of a union label stamp.

After Chairman Fisher of the Massachusetts State Board had given to the press of Boston the statement to the effect that New England was due for 10 percent reduction in wages, the manufacturers of Brockton in 1921, taking advantage of that clause in their contract made application to the State Board for a 20 percent reduction in wages.

The result of that request was that the State Board handed down a 10 percent reduction, in blanket form covering the entire industry in the Brockton District, admitting that inequalities existed and stating that "adjustments would follow in a reasonable time." Bearing that in mind several lo

AUGUST, 1923

We have formed our own union, namely THE BROCKTON DISTRICT SHOE WORKERS UNION, a real solid progressive union, and are presenting the following demands:

1. Recognition of our Union.

2. Restoration of the old wage list.

3. We demand a quicker and more just adjudication of disputes, through a local board of arbitration. 4. We reserve the right to strike.

The manufacturers maintain they will never reopen until we consent to become members of the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union, their organization.

The workers stand firm for their right to maintain their own organization, but must begin at the bottom with no treasury whatever. All the powers of the old organization, combined with that of the manufacturers and their money power, are arrayed against us.

Our lines are firmly established and we are done for all time with the old organization.

Thanking you for whatever you can do to help us. we remain yours fraternally,

Brockton District Shoe Workers' Union,
Eagle Hall, Ward Street,
Brockton, Mass.

cals applied for readjustments of inequalities. After a series of decisions, with practically no change, the last decision affecting one of the poorly paid locals, (the Dressers and Packers) composed mostly of girls and women whose wage was $17.50 a week, and whose minimum wage was $11.00, a 20 percent raise was requested, and they received an increase granting them 85 cents a week raise.

At a mass meeting called to consider the award, the girls became incensed at the small amount granted them, and a little girl stood up and made a motion to strike, which was immediately seconded by unanimous acclamation of the entire membership of 900.

The General Office of the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union revoked the Dressers and Packers Charter the following day.

Within a week, mass meetings of all locals were called and twelve of the thirteen locals voted to strike, because of the absolute conviction that justice could be had in no other way.

The result in the revoking of the Charters of four more locals, before the General Office called a halt, realizing that revoking of Charters could no longer scare us into submission.

We were in poor shape financially, because the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union Constitution made as turn over two-thirds of all dues, and the remaining third barely covered the administration expenses of the locals.

As individual members, we were in exactly the same position, because of the fact that the previous ine months were the dullest period in ten years, along with the semi-annual spring stock raising period, which left every one in very poor financial condition to start a strike.

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The Only Way Out

T SYDNEY, Nova Scotia, 13,000 miners are out in sympathy with steel workers on strike against the Dominion Steel and Iron Company, the most powerful iorporation of its kind in Canada.

John Lewis, president of the United Mine Workers has denounced the sympathetic strike as unauthorized and a violation of agreement. He has ordered the miners to return to work, but at this writing, they have defied him, saying that they are autonnomous and declaring that there is no lightning behind the Lewis thunder.

This incident is typical of the A. F. of L. It insists on lining up with powerful corporations against sympathetic working class action. It also mobs those of its own adherents who try to reform it from within, as was done with the Fosterites at the Scranton convention of the anthracite miners. Under the circumstances, the only thing left for labor to do is to revolt. This it has done among the shoe workers at Brockton, Mass. This it appears to be doing among the coal miners of Nova Scotia! Where will it happen next?

Revolt is in the A. F. of L. system. It is inevitable! Labor has no other way out!