ENTERED, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1866, by

D. APPLETON & CO.,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York.

PREFACE.

THE author of the following pages throws himself on the generous forbearance of the reader, so far as any shortcomings of style, or of systematic arrangement, may be involved. Having thought much, and feeling very deeply as he does, in regard to the present state of the country, the author considers it a matter of very great importance that President Johnson's position, his relations to the parties engaged in the late unfortunate struggle, and his views and opinions in reference to the proper policy of the Government for the future, should be thoroughly understood and appreciated by the public. The author has waited, to see if some more competent pen would not undertake the task. Every one must admit that President Johnson's position is one of transcendent importance at the present time. From the very necessity of the case, the task devolves on him of having to readjust the component parts of a great empire shaken by the conflict of four years of war, without precedent to guide him, and with the public mind yet in a state of effervescence and anxiety. It is indispensable to the success of the Gov

ernment, and the advancement of the public good, that the popular judgment should be enabled to decide fairly and impartially in regard to him. If his policy is the correct one, then it is all-important that public opinion should sustain him. There never has been, in the history of our Government, so great a necessity for harmonizing the public opinion of the country, as exists at the present time. War has had its triumphs, and now is the time for aiding peace in achieving its triumphs, also. If, on examination, it should appear that Mr. Johnson is the representative man to restore harmony, and the mutual dependence of the interests of the different sections of the country, then it is the patriotic duty of every good man to sustain him. The public mind is confused, agitated, disturbed, anxious. Every one is more or less nervous in regard to the future. toward Mr. Johnson. Every one is solicitous of information concerning him. Confidence in his unselfish patriotism, his moderation, his conservatism, his nationality, would do more toward quieting all apprehensions as to the future, than any thing else. The object of the author is to present Mr. Johnson to the public mind just as he is-to convey a correct impression as to his character and to enable popular opinion to judge of his future course by an investigation of his conduct in the past.

All eyes are turned

Mr. Johnson is a man who, in the history of his political life, has evidently acted on a regular system. His course has not been one of versatility-of mere expedients. The public appetite is hungry for information in regard to him. In endeavoring to impart this information, the author has been conscientious in his desire to promote the public good. If it is to the interest of the people of this country to support,

and aid, and strengthen Mr. Johnson, then he who may be instrumental in convincing them of this, and of removing any erroneous impressions concerning him, will have done his country a service.

The author has been actuated with a desire to do justice to Mr. Johnson, as well as serve the public interests in conveying correct information. He admits his high admiration of Mr. Johnson's character-an admiration founded on a close study and rigid scrutiny of his political life. No matter how pure and patriotic his character may be—no matter how blameless and upright his administration of public affairs, yet he cannot expect to escape that censure and faultfinding which are the common lot of all men who reach such high eminence of position by their own force of character. Old party issues have disappeared, but new ones will take their places. They will be made for the occasion, if they do not necessarily arise. In a country like ours, where thought is untrammelled, and the press is free, parties must exist. We may expect to see new issues presented, and new combinations formed; and as reflections, growing out of the war and its consequences, have superseded all other questions in the public mind, we may reasonably suppose that these new issues and combinations will have reference to the events of, and the results produced by, the late unhappy war. We have already foreshadowings of this; and since the assemblage of Congress in December, 1865, we have already seen the elements of opposition assuming regular shape and form. His friends are already forewarned; they owe it to Mr. Johnson, to justice, and to truth, that they should be forearmed also.

In order to properly appreciate the author's purpose in

this humble effort, the reader must have in view the object and design aimed at. It is not to narrate startling adventures, nor to describe amusing and entertaining incidents in human affairs, nor to inculcate any peculiar views of government or politics. His object is to inform the public in regard to the character, morally, intellectually, and politically-of the man who now holds the highest executive position in the Government. His purpose is to calm and compose any anxiety or apprehension, in either section, as to the difficulties which beset the future, by affording an assurance that in Mr. Johnson we have a man for President whose whole public life has been uniform and consistent in sustaining and upholding the great principles of constitutional liberty, based, as they are, on THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE. His further purpose is to warn Mr. Johnson's friends to be on their guard against the machinations of faction; to avoid all conflicts, except in self-defence; but still to be prepared to defend him when unjustly assailed, and, in defending him, to defend the cause of free government and a restored Union, with which his name will be identified to the latest posterity.