Зображення сторінки


We re

all we could, and carried away the powder and lead. In the fight with General Gibbon we lost fifty women and children and thirty fighting men. We remained long enough to bury our dead. The Nez Percés never make war on women and children ; we could have killed a great many women and children while the war Jasted, but we would feel ashamed to do so cowardly an act.

We never scalp our enemies, but when General Howard came up and joined General Gibbon, their Indian scouts dug up our dead and scalped them. I have been told that General Howard did not order this great shame to be done.

We retreated as rapidly as we could toward the buffalo country. After six days General Howard came close to us, and we went out and attacked him, captured nearly all his horses and mules (about two hundred and fifty head). We then marched on to the Yellowstone Basin.

On the way we captured one white man and two white women. leased them at the end of three days. They were treated kindly. The women were not insulted. Can the white soldiers tell me of one time when Indian women were taken prisoners, and held three days, and then released without being insulted ? Were the Nez Percés women who fell into the hands of General Howard's soldiers treated with as much respect? I deny that a Nez Percé was ever guilty of such a crime.

A few days later we captured two more white men.

One of them stole a horse and escaped. We gave the other a poor horse and told him he was free.

Nine days' march brought us to the mouth of Clarke's Fork of the Yellow. stone. We did not know what had become of General Howard, but we supposed that he had sent for more horses and mules. He did not come up, but another new war-chief (General Sturgis) attacked us. We held him in check while we moved all our women and chil. dren and stock out of danger, leaving a few men to cover our retreat.

Several days passed, and we heard nothing of General Howard, or Gibbon, or Sturgis. We had repulsed each in turn, and began to feel secure, when another army, under General Miles, struck us.

This was the fourth army, each of which outnumbered our fighting force, that we had encountered within sixty days.

We had no knowledge of General Miles' army until a short time before he made a charge upon us, cutting our camp in two, and capturing nearly all our horses. About seventy men, myself among them, were cut off. My little daughter, twelve years of age, was with

I gave her a rope, and told her to catch a horse and join the others who were cut off from the camp. I have not seen her since, but I have learned that she is alive and well.

I thought of my wife and children, who were now surrounded by soldiers, and I resolved to go to them or die. With a prayer in my month to the Great Spirit Chief who rules above, I dashed unarmed through the line of soldiers. It seemed to me that there were guns on every side, before and behind me. My clothes were cut to pieces and my horse was wounded, but I was not hurt. As I reached the door of my lodge, my wife handed me my rifle, saying: Here's your gun. Fight !'

The soldiers kept up a continuous fire. Six of my men were killed in one spot near me. Ten or twelve soldiers charged into our camp and got possession of two lodges, killing three Nez Percés and losing three of their men, who fell inside our lines. I called my men to drive them back. We fought at close range, not more than twenty steps apart, and drove the soldiers back upon their main line, leaving their dead in our hands. We secured their arms and ammunition. We lost, the first day and night, eighteen men and three women. General Miles lost twenty-six killed and forty wounded. The following day General Miles sent a messenger into my camp under protection of a white flag. I sent my friend Yellow Bull to meet him.

Yellow Bull understood the messenger to say that General Miles wished me to consider the situation ; that he did not want to kill my people unnecessarily. Yellow Bull understood this to be a demand for me to surrender and save blood. Upon reporting this message to me, Yellow Büll said he wondered whether General Miles was in earnest. I sent him back with my answer,

that I had not made up my mind, but would think about it and send word soon. A little later he sent some Cheyenne scouts with another message. I went out to meet them. They said they believed that General Miles was sincere and

really wanted peace. I walked on to General Miles' tent. He met me and we shook hands. He said, “Come, let us sit down by the fire and talk this matter over.' I remained with him all night ; next morning Yellow Bull came over to see if I was alive, and why I did not return.

General Miles would not let me leave the tent to see my friend alone.

Yellow Bull said to me : They have got you in their power, and I am afraid they will never let you go again. I have an officer in our camp, and I will hold him until they let you go free.”.

I said: 'I do not know what they mean to do with me, but if they kill me you must not kill the officer. It will do no good to avenge my death by killing him.'

Yellow Bull returned to my camp. I did not make any agreement that day with General Miles. The battle was renewed while I was with him. I was very anxious about my people. I knew that we were near Sitting Bull's camp in King George's land, and I thought maybe the Nez Percés who had escaped would return with assistance. No great damage was done to either party during the night.

On the following morning I returned to my camp by agreement, meeting the officer who had been held a prisoner in my camp at the flag of truce. My people were divided about surrendering. We could have escaped from Bear Paw Mountain if we had left our wounded, old women, and children behind. We were unwilling to do this. We had never heard of a wounded Indian recovering while in the hands of white men.

On the evening of the fourth day General Howard came in with a small escort, together with my friend Chapman. We could now talk understandingly. General Miles said to me in plain words, “ If you will come out and give up your arms, I will spare your lives and send you to your reservation." I do not know what passed between General Miles and General Howard.

I could not bear to see my wounded men and women suffer any longer ; we had lost enough already. General Miles had promised that we might return to our own country with what stock we had left. I thought we could start again. I believed General Miles, or I never would have surrendered. I have heard that he has been censured for making

the promise to retorn us to Lapwai. He could not have made any other terms with me at that time. I would have held him in check until my friends came to my assistance, and then neither of the generals nor their soldiers would have left Bear Paw Mountain alive.

On the fifth day I went to General Miles and gave up my gun, and said, “ From where the sun now stands I will fight no more.” My people needed rest we wanted peace.

I was told we could go with General Miles to Tongue River and stay there until spring, when we would be sent back to our country. Finally it was decided that we were to be taken to Tongue River. We had nothing to say about it. After our arrival at Tongue River, General Miles received orders to take us to Bismarck. The reason given was, that subsistence would be cheaper there.

General Miles was opposed to this order. He said : “ you must not blame me. I have endeavoured to keep my word, but the chief who is over me has given the order, and I must obey it or resign. That would do you no good. Some other officer would carry out the order.'

I believe General Miles would have kept his word if he could have done so. I do not blame him for what we have suffered since the surrender. I do not know who is to blame. We gave up all our horses-over eleven hundred-and all our saddles--over one hundred—and we have not heard from them since. Somebody has got our horses.

General Miles turned my people over to another soldier, and we were taken to Bismarck. Captain Johnson, who now had charge of us, received an order to take us to Fort Leavenworth. At Leavenworth we were placed on a low river bottom, with no water except riverwater to drink and cook with. We had always lived in a healthy country, where the mountains were high and the water was cold and clear. Many of my people sickened and died, and we buried them in this strange land. I cannot tell how much my heart suffered for my people while at Leavenworth. The Great Spirit Chief who rules above seemed to be looking some other way, and did not see what was being done to my people.

During the hot days (July, 1878) we received notice that we were to be moved farther away from our own country. We were not asked if we were willing to go.

with me.

We were ordered to get into the rail-road cars. Three of my people died on the way to Baxter Springs. It was worse to die there than to die fighting in the mountains.

We were moved from Baxter Springs (Kansas) to the Indian Territory, and set down without our lodges. We had but little medicine, and we were nearly all sick. Seventy of my people have died since we moved there.

We have had a great many visitors who have talked many ways.

Some of the chiefs (General Fish and Colonel Stickney) from Washington came to see us and selected land for us to live upon. We have not moved to that land for it is not a good place to live.

The Commissioner Chief (E. A. Hayt) came to see us. I told him, as I told every one, that I expected General Miles's word would be carried out. He said 'it could not be done ; that white men now lived in my country and all the land was taken up; that, if I returned to Wallowa, I could not live in peace ; that law-papers were out against my young men who began the war, and that the Government could not protect my people.' This talk fell like a heavy stone upon my heart. I saw that I could not gain anything by talking to him. Other law chiefs (Congressional Committee) came to see me and said they would help me to get a healthy country. I did not know whom tu believe. The white people have too many chiefs. They do not understand each other. They do not all talk alike.

The Commissioner Chief (Mr. Hayt) invited me to go with him and hunt for a better home than we have now. I like the land we found (west of the Osage reservation) better than any place I have seen in that country ; but it is not a healthy land. There are no mountains and rivers. The water is warm. It is not a good country for stock. I do not believe my people can live there.

I am afraid they will all die. The Indians who occupy that country are dying off. I promised Chief Hayt to go there, and do the best I could until the Government got ready to make good General Miles's word. I was not satisfied, but I could not help myself.

Then the Inspector Chief (General McNiel) came to my camp and we had a long talk. He said I ought to have a home in the mountain country north, and that he would write a letter to the

Great Chief at Washington. Again the hope of seeing the mountains of Idaho and Oregon grew up in my heart.

At last I was granted permission to come to Washington and bring my friend Yellow Bull and our interpreter

I am glad we came. I have shaken hands with a great many friends, but there are some things I want to know which no one seems able to explain. I cannot understand how the Government sends a man out to fight us, as it did General Miles, and then breaks his word. Such a Government has something wrong about it. I cannot understand why so many Chiefs are allowed to talk so many different things. I have seen the Great Father Chief (the President), the next Great Chief (Secretary of the Interior), the Commissioner Chief (Hayt), the Law Chief (General Butler), and many other law chiefs (Congressmen), and they all say they are my friends, and that I shall have justice, but while their mouths all talk right I do not understand why nothing is done for my people. I have heard talk and talk, but nothing is done. Good words do not last long unless they amount to something. Words do not pay for my dead people. They do not pay for my country, now overrun by white men. They do not protect my father's grave. They do not pay for all my horses and cattle. Good words will not give me

children. Good words will not make good the promise of your War Chief General Miles. Good words will not give my people good health and stop them from dying. Good words will not get my people a home where they can live in peace and take care of themselves. I am tired of talk that comes to nothing. It makes my heart sick when I remember all the good words and all the broken promises. There has been too much talking by men who had no right to talk. Too many representations have been made, too many misunderstandings have come up between the white men about the Indians. If the white man wants to live in peace with the In: dian he can live in peace. There need be no trouble. Treat all men alike. Give them all the same law. Give them all an even chance to live and grow. All men were made by the same Great Spirit Chief.

They are all brothers. The earth is the mother of all people, and all people should have equal rights

back my

You might as well expect

upon it.

the rivers to run backward as that any man who was born a free man should be contented when penned up and denied liberty to go where he pleases. If you tie a horse to a stake, do you expect he will grow fat? If you pen an Indian upon a small spot of earth, and compel him to stay there, he will not be contented, nor will he grow and prosper. I have asked some of the great white chiefs where they get their authority to say to the Indian that he shall stay in one place, while he sees white men going where they please. They cannot tell me.

I only ask of the Government to be treated as all other men are treated. If I cannot go to my own home, let me have a home in some country where my people will not die so fast. I would like to go to Bitter Root Valley. There my people would be healthy ; where they are now they are dying. Three have died since I left my camp to come to Washington.

When I think of our condition my heart is heavy. I see men of my race treated as outlaws and driven from country to country, or shot down like animals.

I know that my race must change. We cannot hold our own with the white

We only ask an even chance to live as other men live. We

ask to be recognized as men. We ask that the same law shall work alike on all men, If the Indian breaks the law, punish lim by the law. If the white man breaks the law, punish him also.

Let me be a free man-free to travel, free to stop, free to work, free to trade where I choose, free to choose my own teachers, free to follow the religion of my fathers, free to think and talk and act for myself—and I will obey every law, or submit to the penalty.

Whenever the white man treats the Indian as they treat each other, then we will have no more wars. We shall all be alike-brothers of one father and one mother, with one sky above us and one country around us, and one government for all. Then the Great Spirit Chief who rules above will smile upon this land, and send rain to wash out the bloody spots, made by brothers' hands, from the face of the earth. For this time the Indian race are waiting and praying. I hope that no more groans of wounded men and women will ever go to the ear of the Great Spirit Chief above, and that all people may be one people.

In-mut-too-yah-lat-lat has spoken for his people.


men as we are.


[ocr errors]

THE soldier's boast-to meet, unmoved, Death's eye.

Allow that Zulu men know how to die.
Fighting against the spoiler in their land;
The savage virtue which they highest hold
They practise well ; no lions half so bold.

But other virtues, too, we understand,
Being Englishmen and Christians ; counting good
Justice, Unselfishness, and Brotherhood, -
Nay, best. We know the way to talk of things.

O God ! are we the cruelest of hordes,
With deadliest weapons and with falsest words
Of any race the quiet moon enrings ?

WILLIAM ALLINGHAM, in Fraser's Magazine.


Supernatural Religion : an Inquiry into

the Reality of Divine Revelation. Vol. I., Sixth Edition. Toronto : Rose-Belford Publishing Company, 1879.

It is not our intention, in the absence of the second volume of this important and deeply interesting work, to attempt anything more than a brief estimate of its character and intrinsic value. That the anonymous writer has profoundly stirred the religious world is plain from the fact that his volúmes, made up, in great part of destructive textual criticism, have reached a sixth edition in the course of a few years. Not less significant are evidences of a peculiarly bitter type of the odium theologicum, in treuchant criticisms on the writer's scholarship by Dr. Lightfoot--the Bishop elect of Durham, and Canon Westcott. To these attacks our author replied at length three years ago in an introduction equally mordant, extending in the edition before us to fifty-four closely printed pages. To the special points in controversyand particularly to the battle which rages around the so-called Epistles of Ignatius—we may take occasion to refer hereafter.

One thing, at all events, is clear that Supernatural Religion has deeply moved the orthodox world, if it has not radically and permanently changed the views of thoughtful religious men on the old-established theory of verbal, or plenary, inspiration. The great merit of the book, considered from a purely controversial point of view, is the indefatigable energy with which the author has ransacked all the sources of information and opinion, whether orthodox, rationalistic, or distinctly sceptical. Perhaps the most scathing rejoinder in the Introduction referred to is administered to Dr. Lightfoot who, not being in a judicial vein, ventured to charge his opponent with copying references wholeBale, without having examined the authorities, and with the disingenuous

purpose of securing a factitious reputation for learning and research. The learned divine was evidently nettled that any one should credit a mere layman with having either the patience or the critical skill to waste a prolonged period in researches regarding Ignatius. It was exceedingly natural that a professional theologian should fancy that the references were taken, as they stand, from Cureton's edition of the Syriac version of those few Ignatian letters which probably have some claim to yenuineness. The fact is,' replies the author in his calmest mood, that I did not take the references from Cureton, but in every case derived them from the works themselves, and if the note “ seems to represent the gleanings of many years' reading,” it certainly does not misrepresent the fact, for I took the trouble to make myself acquainted with the "by-paths of Ignatian literature.”'

Whilst, however, even a prejudiced reader may cheerfully admit the indisputable evidence of untiring and conscientious research, it must be confessed that our author depends too much on the 'best,' or the ' ablest critics. There is a sort of amateur hesitancy about stating any opinion, which cannot be backed up by an imposing array of authorities, and this is apt to be mistaken for want of originality. The writer has taken a brief in the case of Reason against Revelation, but the attorneys who prepared it are Baur, of the old Tübingen school, and his rationalist congeners. Still this does not at all detract from the value of Supernatural Religion to the English reader who has no leisure to devote to the study of the mountain-like mass of German theological literature. It is much to the author's credit that he gives a fair hearing to Tischendorf and Ewald, as well as to critics more in sympathy with his pronounced views. It seems clear that the work is that of a thoroughly-trained legal mind, and the evidence, with its sharp contrasts, is put always with surprising clearness, and sometimes

« НазадПродовжити »