immense quantities of the cheapest kind of liquor procurable. This liquor was an ale compound, which is an adulterated ale. Arrests were made by the score. The jails were filled, and during one day one of the fire houses also was filled with prisoners. The State militia was called out, and all persons were kept outside the military lines except those who could procure a pass from the commanding officer.

When it came to disposing of those who had been arrested in the most summary fashion, and whose homes had been searched without warrant, the usual railroading process was resorted to. Strikers undefended by counsel and permitted to present their own case briefly if at all through an interpreter, were given thirty day terms by the dozen.

The living conditions, the cost of living, and the wages paid, together with the conditions under which they were arranged, formed one of the most complete economic backgrounds for a tremendous upheaval of labor that has ever been found in any industry. While there were rumors of outside influences, said to have had their foundation in war conditions, no intelligent investigator questioned the true economic background of the striker. It was agreed that the men had been driven to revolt by unbearable conditions, and by wages that did not permit an acceptable standard of living.

As a result of the strike wages were raised, hour men getting an advance of from 2 to 4 cents an hour. Company officials claim that the increase was approximately 10 per cent. throughout the plant. However, it must be taken into consideration that a year previous there had been a 9 per cent. reduction, so that the increase won by the strike but little more than restored the standard that had prevailed prior to the reduction of the year previous.

It is noteworthy, however, that the increase forced by the strikers in Youngstown spread to the entire steel industry, the evident reason being that the industry in the midst of an unprecedented rush of war orders, feared to face the possibility of a similar upheaval on a scale that might envelope and paralyze the entire industry.

There was following this strike a most unusual anticlimax. The grand jury was impannelled while the strike still was in progress, to determine the responsibility for the deaths and property destruction that had occurred. Contrary to all precedent, this grand jury indicted President Campbell, Elbert H. Gary, president of the United States Steel Corporation, and the following companies: Youngstown Sheet and Tube Company, Youngstown Iron and Steel Company, United States Steel Corporation, and the Carnegie Steel Company. A total of 113 corporations and officers were indicted. They were charged with violation of the Valentine

anti-trust act, a State law, and with conspiracy to keep down wages of common laborers.

With this indictment the grand jury returned censure for Mayor Cunningham of East Youngstown, six members of the East Youngstown Council, and the police force. Mayor Cunningham and the officials were characterized as "inefficient," and "unworthy to hold office."

The report of the grand jury charged that the riot was precipitated by acts of the Youngstown Sheet and Tube Company. In part the language of the grand jury report follows:

"While one shot was fired from one of the mob assembled around the gate of the tube company, the shots which precipitated the extreme acts of violence, lawlessness and crime which were committed January 7 were shots fired by the guards of the Youngstown Sheet and Tube Company.

"We have been unable to find any proof of any direct connection with any foreign government and any influence brought to bear on the rioters to commit the various acts of crime.

"We find that there is an underlying cause, not only of the strike and of the dissatisfaction prevailing among the men prior to the strike, but of the riot itself, a cause which will be shown upon the trial of some of the corporations and individuals against whom charges have been made by this jury."

The action of the grand jury, however, was of no practical avail. Judge W. H. Anderson dismissed the indictments upon representations, made by counsel for the defendants.

The only wholesome result was that the action of the grand jury in the steel companies and their officials threw upon them the blame and removed it from the workers upon whom blame usually is placed, in such cases.

The strike on the whole was one of the most dramatic that the country has known. The complete destruction of so much property, the remarkable solidarity of unorganized workers, and the indictment of company officials as responsible for the result of low wages and unendurable conditions, were features that stamped it as one of most unusual qualities, and worth deep study.

STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1915.

From Monthly Review of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, April, 1916, pp. 13-18.

The so-called munitions strikes attracted special attention in 1915. These strikes started in Bridgeport, Conn.,

during the latter part of July, and spread rapidly to Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, and other States where metal goods are manufactured. They consisted generally of a demand for a shorter working-day without reduction of wages, and in some cases the demand was for increased wages, though the strikers rarely got all the increase asked for.

The strikes in the clothing industry in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Chicago involved a large number of strikers, but their duration was comparatively short, except in Chicago where the strike lasted for about three months and involved from 6,000 to 25,000 people.

Other strikes attracting wide attention were those in the building trades in Chicago from April to July, which practically paralyzed the building industry of that city for the time; the oil and chemical strikes in Elizabeth, N. J., and neighboring cities during the summer, which, though short, were accompanied with rioting and loss of life; the streetcar strike in Chicago in June; and the strike of the silverworkers in Connecticut in October, which had not been settled at the close of the year. Though the long-continued coal strike in Colorado was brought to an end just before the opening of the year, the attention of the public continued to be directed to it through the efforts made by the mine owners to settle the many questions that had not been finally considered at the termination of the strike. The coal strikes in the middle west were settled late in the fall of 1914 and early in 1915, with the exception of the eastern Ohio strikes, which were not settled until May. The copper mine strike in Arizona was settled just after the close of the year.

The causes of strikes and lockouts during the year were numerous. In few cases was the cause confined to one matter in dispute. In the following table an effort has been made to show the principal cause of the strikes tabulated, though this has been difficult in many cases on account of the indefinite character of the information available.

Number of Strikes and Lockouts, by Causes, 1915.

One of the most interesting recent experiments in the adjustment of labor disputes is that represented by what is generally known as the Protocol System in the garment industry. The system derives its name from the collective agreement made between the Cloak Makers' Union of New York with an association of employers on September 2nd, 1910. The agreement, formally designated "Protocol of Peace," was adopted at the conclusion of a long and embittered strike. It was drafted with great care and with the aid of several eminent students of social problems, prominent among whom was Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, now a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. It was a unique instrument in the labor movement of the country. Essentially it was a collective agreement between an association of employers and a union of workers, regulating hours of labor, overtime-work, holidays, week-wages, methods of adjusting piece rates and other shop conditions. The novelty of the arrangements consisted mainly in the attempt to abolish all struggles between the individual employer and his workers and to substitute for them a peaceful method of adjusting disputes. To this end the workers surrendered their right to call shop strikes for any grievance whatsoever, and the Union bound itself to order its members back to work in all cases in which such shop strikes would break out. In return for this surrender of their most effective

weapon, the workers were promised peaceful, fair and speedy adjustments of all their grievances. To secure such adjustments an elaborate joint machinery was devised, consisting of Chief Clerks with numerous staffs of assistants to investigate and adjust grievances, a Grievance Board, and subsequently a Committee on Immediate Action, to pass upon disputed cases, and finally a Board of Arbitration, acting as the supreme tribunal in the industry and vested with judicial and legislative powers.

It is this joint machinery, which constitutes the distinguishing feature of a Protocol, as the arrangement has come to be generally known.

The "Protocol system" seemed to be well adapted to the peculiarities of the needle industries with their highly seasonal character, their irregular workings and countless daily problems and shop disputes. Within the first few years after its adoption in the New York cloak trade the system spread to a number of kindred trades. Collective agreements generally patterned after the "Peace Protocol" were adopted by associations of employers and unions of the workers in the various branches of the garment trade in the cities of New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago, St. Louis and other centers of the tailoring industry. At the beginning of 1916, no less than 150,000 workers operated under that system. The majority of these still adhere to the "protocol" arrangement, but the industry responsible for its introduction, the cloak making industry of New York, has practically abandoned it at a recent date.

So long as the strike of 1910 was still fresh in the memory of the employers the Protocol worked comparatively well, but after a time the workers began to chafe under its operations. The process of adjusting grievances became increasingly slow and uncertain.

The workers began to feel that the Protocol had tied their hands and paralyzed their action and had given them little in return. Countless disputes ensued over the interpretations of certain provisions of the Protocol and several attempts were made to amend the instrument. An acute crisis was reached in the summer of 1915, when the Manufacturers' Association abrogated the Protocol and the Union made active preparations for a general strike. The threatened strike was however for the time being averted by the interposition of Mayor Mitchell, of New York, who, with the consent of both sides, appointed a "Council of Conciliation" charged with the task of composing the differences between the parties. The Council, consisting of Dr. Felix Adler, Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, Prof. George W. Kirchwey, Judge Walter C. Noyes, City Chamberlain Henry Bruere and Charles L. Bernheimer, Chairman of the Board of Arbitration of the