not say that Scotland has yet done enough to the mechanical part, but the line she is now taking, through her Chemical Association, indicates a further stage of advancement than that which is followed in England. Both are pregnant with good results to both countries; but England has still to enter zealously, openly, and as a distinct branch, upon the Scottish walk of applied science; and, no doubt, she will find some one at the helm of her agricultural affairs, who will be able to guide her in this new and higher direction.

That this is certain to take place, we are satisfied, by the existence of a circumstance which we regard as the third among the important special means by which English agriculture is henceforth to be promoted. We allude to the establishment of the Agricultural College at Cirencester, and the Yeoman School at York-the introduction of agricultural instruction into the training-schools at Durham and elsewhere-and the other similar methods now in course of being adopted in different parts of central and northern England, for affording the means of a more or less complete agricultural education, to the various ranks of the rural community.

In the establishment of agricultural Colleges, England has taken the lead. In this, Scotland and Ireland must follow her. At Cirencester there are already about a hundred young men engaged in the study of those various departments of knowledge, a certain acquaintance with which is necessary to the preparation of an accomplished agriculturist. Should these hundred young men hereafter become agents upon as many different estates, how great a boon would be conferred upon the country by their education!

Of the necessity of this special instruction, through special schools, many are still unconvinced. Our views upon the subject are briefly as follows: The surface of Great Britain as a whole is capable of being greatly improved; but this improvement can be effected only by the application of new knowledge to the soil. This new knowledge must therefore, by some means, be brought within the easy reach of the rural classes. The schoolmaster is the only permanent instrument by which this can be effected. Our elementary schools, without any new machinery, may constantly diffuse a certain amount of this knowledge, as is now done in many of the Scotch and Irish schools; but the higher, more advanced, and more perfect agricultural education will still be wanting. Where is this to be got? Will any of our higher schools and colleges incorporate it with, or add it to their usual and special courses of instruction? We believe not. They do not understand it. Their habits, and the

rules of their Institutions are opposed to novelties in education. In an old Institution the new branches would struggle with the old at a constant disadvantage, were they even formally introduced. The easier, speedier, and more effective method, therefore, is to found special schools for this special object; and this in all the three kingdoms will, we believe, sooner or later be done.

Mr Blacker, an Irish improver, whose exertions in that country are beyond all praise, works through the instrumentality of peripatetic agriculturists. His attention is chiefly directed to the improvement of the existing race of farmers. Our desires are fixed more on the future generations. His ambition is to push them on, as a man may make the hands on the clock-face go forward, by standing behind and moving them. We do not undervalue this mode of moving in the mean-time; but we are anxious to attach machinery to the pointers, to connect them with a mainspring, and to wind it up that they may move alone. heads of our rural population contain the machinery we are anxious to employ instruction is the mainspring; and we would have the schoolmaster to wind it up once for all.

The

We have at present little more to add. We have in some degree assumed that British agriculture, up to the present time, has continued to make progress, about as fast as the population itself. We have run hurriedly over the Island, and have every where observed marks of still active and advancing improvement. Looking at it in another light, we have satisfied ourselves also that the soil in its existing state possesses undeveloped resources on which long years of successful labour may still be profitably expended. We have likewise adverted to many facilities which now exist in both ends of the Island, likely, we think, hereafter to hasten forward the general body of British agriculturists at an accelerated pace. In all this, therefore, we see not only a very cheerful, but a very reasonable prospect, both of abundant food and continued employment, for an increasing people, and of prolonged prosperity to the farmer.

The change of the Corn-Laws will act, we hope, as it ought to act, upon British minds, not as a depressing, but as a stimulating influence. If it call new energy and intelligence and new means into play, it will prove an almost unmixed good. Whatever art can extract of enlarged crops from foreign soils may equally be reaped in Britain. The capital, aided by the mechanical skill, and applied science which we possess, ought, therefore, if made generally available, to place our farmers beyond the reach of any protracted successful competition, in the home market. Larger returns, in all branches of husbandry, without

a proportionate increase of cost, are what the soil promises to the application of increased skill. This is the very result by which the comfort and existing position of both landlord and tenant are to be maintained. Cast despondency away, therefore-let new exertions be put forth, and this new end will be attained.

The same cheering view, also, we would take of the late visi tation which has befallen our potato crop. We believe it will be only temporary; but whether so or not, it ought not to depress us. Afflictions of this kind lead to good, if they arouse to new exertion. The gift of new knowledge to the people will inspire them with new hope; and, in times of trial like the present, will provide them with new resources.

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ART. VI.-L'Inde Anglaise en 1843-44. Par le CHEVALIER EDOUARD DE WARREN, ancien Officier au Service de S. M. Britannique dans l'Inde. Deuxième Edition. Trois tomes, 8vo. Paris: 1845.

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WE We had never seen nor even heard of the work of M. de Warren, although he states in his preface that it has been noticed and even translated by the English Press, until we were informed by what all would consider very high authority, that its misrepresentations regarding the government of British India had made a great impression upon the Continent. We We can easily believe it. The work is written with considerable ability. It professes to be, and probably is, the testimony of an eyewitness, as respects matters of personal observation. And statements so startling and criminatory as many of those to which it gives publicity, are sure to attract attention; as long as nations, like individuals, feel pleasure in the exposure of the real or alleged follies and faults of their neighbours. si o

altogether erroneous, or so much distorted and coloured as to produce a false impression. And truth and falsehood are strangely intermingled. Indeed, the mind of the author-if the volumes before us have not, as we much suspect, more than a single father appears to be singularly constituted. He is candid and fair, for the most part, in the inferences, which he draws from facts within his own knowledge; but he swallows with the utmost credulity the grossest calumnies derived from other sources of information. We will not We will not make such a charge without proving it. His personal experience appears to have makes

been confined to the Presidency of Madras, when he served for some years as a Subaltern in H. M. 55th Regiment. The scene of the story which he tells in the following words, is laid in Bengal, Nous avons parlé du sort du Rayot, de l'existence

precaire ⚫ de hautes classes, de la destruction des classes moyennes. Les 'princes et les rois sont-ils plus heureux ? En 1840 Phéritier presomptif de la couronné de Burdwan (Rajah Pertab Chund) est emprisonné et traité comme un imposteur, parcequ'il * réclamme l'héritage de ses pères, qu'on a vendu impudemment à 'un de ses oncles: c'est une restitution de plus de 25 millions de francs (100 lacs de roupies) que le gouvernment aurait à lui faire, et comme on ne veut point payer, on entamé un proces." (Tome iii. p. 255.)

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Now, in the first place, thẻ Rajak of Burdwan has no more pretension to a Crown than any great landholder in England or elsewhere. He is simply a Zemindar, paying a very large revenue to the Government; and deriving from his estates, in addition, an income nearer, we believe, L.300,000 than L.200,000 per annum. Neither is there any uncle in the case, nor was the inheritance sold. The facts of the case are these. Pertab Chund, the only son and heir of the Rajah of Burdwan, died during the lifetime of his father. He left no children, and the widow of the old man eventually adopted a son-an everyday occurrence under the Hindoo law-who succeeded to, and now enjoys the property.

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About the end of the year 1835, being fourteen years after Pertab Chund's decease, one Alik Shah, who had been a Fakeer, or religious mendicant, made his appearance in the part of the country where the Rajah's estates are situate, and represented himself to be Pertab Chund; having, as he stated, simulated death, and dived away to a distant boat, when his body was washed in the Ganges, preparatory to its being burnt. He had then, he said, retired to ascetic mortification, in order to expiate the vices of his youth, but was now come to reclaim his rights, He gathered round him a band of two or three hundred armed vagabonds, and greatly disturbed the peace of the country. He was warned by the magistrate, and told that his proper course, if he really were the Rajah of Burdwan, was either to represent his case to the Government, or to institúte a suit in a court of law. Disregarding these admonitions, and continuing to disturb the peace, he was taken up, tried on a charge of fraudulent personation,' convicted, and sentenced to imprisonment. On his release, he played the same game over again-gathering a more formidable force, and entering into correspondence with the chiefs of the wild tribes inhabiting the hills and forests bordering upon

Burdwan. On this occasion, a military force was required for his apprehension, and two men lost their lives in the affray that ensued. He was again convicted and imprisoned. What has since become of him, we do not know. There is no doubt of his being an impostor; but whether he were so or not, the British government had not the smallest interest in opposing his claim to the Zemindary of Burdwan, if he could establish it by any peaceable course. Secure of its revenue, from the immense surplus value of the estates, it is a matter of utter indifference to the government whether A or B be the Zemindar who pays it; and the statement that in this case, if the claimant had succeeded, the government would have had to make restitution of a million sterling, is pure fiction. The government had not received a farthing more than its revenue, as settled in 1793, and had nothing to refund to any one.

There is another case, still grosser if possible, in respect to the facts of which M. de Warren ought to have been better informed. He states (Tome i. p. 141,) that the Nizam made certain cessions of territory to the British government- pour lesquels elle s'engageait à payer un tribut annuel, fixé d'abord à 50,000, puis à 70,000 livres sterling, mais dont le Nizam ne toucha jamais un centime.' The truth is, that the stipulated rent or tribute was regularly paid to the Nizam, up to 1823, when a large sum being necessary to relieve that prince from his debts, the tribute was redeemed by the payment for that purpose of L.1,166,666.

These are, perhaps, the worst cases of positive misrepresentation, but there are many serious instances of suppressio veri, or suggestio falsi. Thus the Great Mogul is spoken of as fallen lower than one of his slaves, and as having insufficient alms doled out to him grudgingly (vol. iii. p. 69),—the said alms being L.150,000 per annum; and all this, as if the British government had deposed and degraded him! But the truth is, that fifteen years before a British army approached Delhi, the eyes of Shah Aulum, the reigning Emperor, had been put out by one of his own servants, who plundered the palace, and brutally stripped the females of the family of all their valuable ornaments. Immediately afterwards, Shah Aulum fell into the hands of Scindia, by whom, says Mr Mill, though the Emperor was allowed to remain in the fort of Delhi, with the nominal authority over the city and a small district around, he was held in a state of poverty, in which not only the decencies, but almost the necessaries of life were denied to him and his 'family.' In a like spirit, among the state prisoners detained at Benares is named le Nawab de Ferozepour, dont le père a

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