of snow, frozen so hard that my feet made no impression as I walked over it. While standing on the snow, a gaudy butterfly flew past me. I marvelled to see the little fellow fluttering about in such a si tuation. From the Col de Balme is the best view of Mont Blanc, for the sake of which I missed the fine scenery of the Tête Noire, another pass to Martigny. Unfortunately some light clouds hung around the giant, and the outline could scarcely be traced amid the vapour, so that my labour was fruitless. After staying two hours in vain hopes that the weather would clear up, I began my descent through a pineforest. The incessant whizzing and buzzing of the cicalas almost made me giddy. They were not here so noisy as in the ascent to Chamouny, but they showed themselves on the path in great numbers. The insect is formed somewhat as our grasshopper, but very much larger. The body and head yellow, the back and wings of the same colour, mottled with black or a very dark brown, and the under side of the long hinder legs of an exquisitely bright scarlet.

Having crossed the pine forest, half an hour's walk up-hill brought me to the Col de Trent, whence to Martigny is a toilsome descent of three hours on an uneven surface paved with broken granite. Nothing can be more uneasy, or better calculated to interfere with the comfort of the individual, or to prevent his enjoying the magnificent prospect. On either side are lofty mountains, with a girdle of pinetrees, and broken rocky summits, with occasionally a patch of snow, and still more rarely a glacier with the muddy torrent rushing from beneath it. Before you is the beautiful Vallais, like Chamouny, enclosed by inaccessible mountains, with the Rhone meandering through its level surface, and the village and bourg of Martigny at a short distance from the foot of the mountain. From Martigny the road to Sion for the first nine miles is perfectly straight, so that looking down from above it seems like a white thread stretched across the plain. I was right glad to arrive at my hotel after three hours' walking with my feet at an angle of 130 degrees with my shin-bones, after the fashion of an opera dancer.

LINES ON THE LATE N. M. ROTHSCHILD.

WEALTH'S golden sceptre rules a prostrate world,

And thou didst wield it, Rothschild, mighty Jew!
Thrones have been propped by thee, and thou hast hurled
Defiance in the face of kings; pierced through

The tyrant's heart, and made him bite thy chain,
Despairing to annihilate or enslave.

But now the conqueror Death has stopped thy reign,
And thou art tenanting the lowly grave!
No more shall men turn pale at sight of thee,
No more the anxious group thy nod await;
Vacant the well-known spot, the pillar* free,
The envious of thy fame, the would-be-great,
May fearlessly advance, and take his stand,-
But who like thee, such homage to command ?

13th August, 1836.

R. S.

Mr. Rothschild always occupied a certain spot on the Royal Exchange, and stood with his back to the pillar alluded to. On one occasion, not very long since, a person had the temerity to dispute his claim to this privilege, but was quickly ejected from his usurped position

2 E 2

PRINCIPLE AND NO PRINCIPLE,

Or the late Armand Carrel, Editor of "The National," and the present M. Thiers, late Prime Minister of France.

THE names of Carrel and Thiers must be very familiar to our readers, because, since the revolution of "the three glorious days of July," both of them have been continually before the public, and have cut a prominent figure in the political, governmental, and legislative events of France, the former as a journalist and a republican, and the latter as a deputé and a minister of the citizen king.

Carrel and Theirs sprung both from the same class and were both first known to the literary and political world by their historical productions. Carrel however, since the beginning of the restoration, had been already before the public as a staunch partisan of republican institutions and of civil and religious liberty, and, having taken an active part in the revolutions of the Peninsulas of Europe, had been not only severely persecuted, but also condemned twice to death in consequence of his political principles.

When Carbonarism from the south of Italy was first introduced into France, Carrel and Thiers both embraced its doctrine and were amongst the most active carbonari, who established and propagated that political institution in Paris, and in the most populous cities of France. There existed, however, a great difference in the private character of Carrel and Thiers. The former was a liberal, civil, sober, unaffected, and always independent man. The latter professed liberal principles, but was proud, affected, and a great parasite of the rich, and powerful members of the opposition of the Restoration, and by his servile submission to whatever the renowned French banker, Jaques Laffitte ordered him to do, little by little, became his favourite, and protegé, and by him at his mansion was introduced to the most influential leading members of the chamber of deputies. Through the influence of his Mæcenas, Thiers began his career of journalist, and assisted by that banker's money became afterwards one of the fourteen shareholders of the Constitutionnel of Paris, to which periodical he largely contributed for several years as a political and literary writer. In 1829 Thiers, not satisfied with his condition in that establishment, aspired to be appointed one of the four chief conductors of that journal in opposition to Cauchois-Lemaire, and, having failed in his ambition, he separated from that periodical, and endeavoured to establish the Nouveau Constitutionnel, but was outwitted by the cunning, rich, and powerful harpagons of Rue Montmartre.

Then Thiers, having first chosen for his editorial colleagues Carrel and Mignet, and having obtained the pecuniary means from Laffitte, started the National under the standard of very broad civil, political, and religious principles.

When the demi-liberal administration of Martignac was succeeded by the foolish and priest-ridden ministry of Polignac, it was Thiers,

inspired by Laffitte, and Benjamin Constant, who wrote and caused to be published in his journal that famous leading article for which the "National" was prosecuted ex-officio; and as Thiers had neither the manliness nor the generosity of fathering his own child, who had predicted the approaching downfal of the Bourbons and the triumph of the popular party, that prosecution caused the ruin and suicide of the only responsible person, the innocent and unfortunate publisher Chatelain.

On the 26th July, 1830, when the arbitrary ordinances of Charles X. made their appearance in the Moniteur, the sensible and reflective Parisian public of all classes and of all parties were almost thunderstruck, and the proprietors and conductors of the liberal periodicals, whose private interest and welfare were not only paralysed, but almost annihilated by the unconstitutional restrictions imposed upon the press by the new laws, were suddenly thrown into a state bordering on madness; consequently they soon assembled in the committees of their respective journals, to consult with their legal advisers on the best plan to be adopted in so dreadful a crisis. But when it was known that M. Dupin, the present president of the chamber of deputies, the best legal authority of France, had declared himself in favour of the legality of the ordinances of Charles X., and had advised his clients to submit to the new laws, the Debats, the Quotidienne, the Drapeau Blanc, the Courier d'Europe, the Avenir, the Gazette de France, and the Constitutionnel, decided to make their submission, and to send to obtain from M. de Peyronnet, the permission of continuing their periodicals according to the new regulations of the press.

However the junior journals, such as the National, the Temps, the Tribune, the Globe, the Journal de Paris, the Corsaire, the Figaro, and the Pandore, remained still undecided, and as Evariste Dumoulin and Couchois Lemaire, two of the fourteen share-holders of the Constitutionel, had protested against the decision of their colleagues, Armand Carrel composed a protest against the illegality of the ordinances of Charles X., and M. Laffitte having ordered Theirs to join his colleague on that subject, in the evening of the 26th of July, the offices of the National became the rendezvous of the dissentient political writers, and the protest of Carrel, having been examined and approved of, was signed by 47 of the youngest conductors of the Parisian press, and was printed and published by the National.

On the morning of the 27th, the cunning Thiers having been informed that the prefect of police, Mangin, had received official instructions of seizing the presses of the dissentient journals, and of arresting all those who had dared to sign the protest, all of a sudden disappeared from the scene of action, and some say that he repaired to the Chateau of Neuilly to be at the elbow of the duke of Orleans, and others assert that he concealed himself in the house of M. Berard, where, after the three glorious days, the present improvised charter was concocted. The fact is that during the struggle between the people and the army Thiers deserted his editorial post, which was however nobly and courageously maintained by Carrel, who not only with his pen and advice, but also with his personal bravery, example, and skill, led the people during the fight, and was one of

the most active instruments in overthrowing the restoration and its despotism.

In the afternoon of the 29th July, when the popular party had obtained a complete triumph over the satellites of Charles X., and while Carrel was at the head of the people bivouacking in the Champs Elysées, Thiers unexpectedly made again his appearance in the office of the National, and there composed, and caused to be printed, and afterwards to be posted on the walls of Paris, hundreds of small placards, in which the duke of Orleans was represented as the natural enemy of the Bourbons, as the republican general of Gemappe and Valmy, and as the friend of the people and the advocate of national freedom and national independence. To this was annexed a copy of the hypocritical letter which the present citizen king wrote to Marshal Mortier, when in 1815 he abandoned the standard of the division which he had sworn to lead against Napoleon. In the mean while Thiers through his agents disseminated 100,000 five-franc pieces, and obtained from the lowest of the heroes of July the cry of vive le duc d'Orleans, and thus Louis Philippe, who had been execrated during the three glorious days as much as the elder Bourbons, began to be in favour with the mob, and then his creatures succeeded in humbugging La Fayette and the republicans. Armand Carrel, informed of this treachery of Thiers, protested against it; but as the evil had already been done, and as he was assured that Louis Philippe was to be a monarch surrounded with republican institutions, he remained neutral, and by his example and ́ words, engaged the other republicans to adopt the same course.

Thiers however became very soon a great favourite of the citizen king, and, his Mecenas Laffitte having been raised to the high post of prime minister of France, he was of course chosen as his private secretary. Soon after, the then all-powerful Laffitte first obtained for Thiers a seat in the chamber of deputies, and then had him nominated under-secretary of state for the finance department. Thus, a few weeks after the revolution of July, Thiers had already become a courtier and a statesman, and, to apply all his faculties to political and courtly intrigues, bade adieu to the National, and Armand Carrel, who now remained the only editor of that periodical, through its columns often called to order his former colleague, and reminded him of his origin and of his principles.

But when Laffitte, disgusted with the selfishness and arbitrary conduct of Louis Philippe, who during three days had intercepted and concealed some important despatches, resigned his high situation, the ungrateful Thiers, instead of following the example of the man who had been the main cause of his elevation, abandoned his benefactor, sold himself and his former principles to the highest bidder, and became the chief supporter of Louis Philippe, and, both at the tribune of the house and in the council of the Cabinet, showed himself the champion of the juste milieu, and the sneering opponent of his former liberal patrons.

It was at this time that Armand Carrel broke off all connexion with Thiers, and through his journal waged a political and personal warfare with his former editorial colleague ad political friend, and not

only declared him an ambitious apostate, a parasitical courtier, and a deceitful statesman, but called him also a base ex-carbonaro and a perjured conspirator. Thiers, at the same time, did all in his power to appease the resentment of Carrel, and endeavoured to silence him by every means. Louis Philippe engaged the republican journalist to his private parties; honours and high situations were offered to him; but, as all the bribes and courtly attempts to convert Carrel to the juste milieu had proved unsuccessful, vexatious, unrelenting, and personal persecution was resorted to, in order to silence and crush the stub-" born editor of the National. But Armand Carrel resisted with manly fortitude the brutal oppression and tyranny of the citizen king, and, remaining faithful to his political creed and friends, through his spirited writings excited and propagated amongst the young and instructed population of France, and chiefly amongst the lower classes of the people, the contempt and hatred by which Louis Philippe, his system, and his administration are at present stigmatized and execrated.

However, the mock patriot king and his late prime minister, despairing of ever being able either to silence by bribes or to crush by oppression the unflinching editor of the National, during the last two years, indirectly and under-hand excited and fomented several personal quarrels between Carrel and the conductors of the Carlist and Philippist periodicals, and have at last succeeded in silencing for ever a powerful and popular opponent, whom they could never have conquered by legal and despotic means. The death of Armand Carrel has been a great loss to his party, and of some utility to Louis Philippe, but it has relieved Thiers from much uneasiness and exposure, because no man knew better than Carrel the late deceitful prime minister of Louis Philippe, and no man can be found in France who could dare to attack the renegade ex-carbonaro and his master with a frankness, address, and success equal to that of the late editor of the National. Besides Thiers by his apostasy having raised himself to the highest station of France, and having amassed a great fortune, saw in his former editorial colleague of the National still a simple citizen without kingly honours and kingly places, a living striking monument of his changeable and dishonourable political conduct; and thus, while Carrel was accompanied to the grave by the most enlightened and most popular members of all parties, little Thiers was drowning his feelings in dissipation and courtly intrigues, and committing to durance vile several of his former friends, after having inspired terror and dismay in the mind of his hateful master, the present tyrant of France.

Carrel, being a man of principle, has lived and died honourable and honoured; but Thiers, being a man of no principle, is living dishonoured, and God only knows what will be his end. If his late quarrel with Louis Philippe be not a political stratagem of the cunning modern Dionysius, Thiers has already begun to feel the effects of his unprincipled conduct; but, if it be a trick, he must become more than ever disgraced and execrated by his fellow citizens," and his name will be handed to posterity as a specimen of a true am bitious and parasitical apostate, and as a warning to all those who under the cloak of patriotism are the scourge of mankind.