down, in the same sentence, you into, a smaller compass. And, make use of is, when grammar you were speaking of the act of demanded are; and, you call the borrowing money, or, of concapital expended and currency em-tracting for the payment of inployed, in affairs relating to agri-terest on loans.

culture," enormous." Now, this

"

the botheration stuff of ADAM SMITH and the Scotch Reviewers.

I could go on with my criticisms word means that the thing to which a good deal further; but, I want it is applied is out-of-the-way; to get at your matter; and, shall, that it is against rule and reason; therefore, only add, as to this that it is wrong; that it ought not | language work, my earnest advice to be. Whereas the greatest part to your Lordship, to lay out half of the valuable things in every a crown upon Cobbett's Grammar, Country ought to, and must, con- intended" for the use of Sol-' sist of things belonging to agri-"diers, Sailors, Apprentices and culture, that is to say, to the Plough-boys." Here will you source of food, raiment, dwell-find, in about a couple of hundred ings and fuel. You afterwards pages, addressed to my son James, talk of "enormous loans;" and what will be of more real use to that is right enough. Enormous you than fifty hundred pages of loans, enormous taxes, enormous power of boroughmongers, enormous bills of indemnity: here The first three paragraphs of the word is correctly used; and your letter consist of very dark to these, and the like things (if matter, taken from SMITH. It is the like are to be found in the very true that we have carried world) I hope you will, in future, what is called the excluding Sysconfine it. In the 4th sentence tem, or, as you call it, the system of the 7th paragraph, you talk of of exclusion, to what may pro"the contraction of the national perly be called an enormous "Debt," when you mean no length; but it is not less true, such thing. This noun does that SMITH was wrong, and that not express the act of contracting you and those whom you call the for; the act of agreeing for; the more enlightened part of the act of bargaining for. It ex-Community, are also wrong, in presses the act of drawing in; supposing that there is no middle the act of shortening, of abridg-course that wisdom points out to ing, of bringing into, or of coming this nation. England would cer

tainly be happier and greater by traffic. They never regarded without any foreign commerce at England in this light; and never all, than by being a Nation of thought that the Nation gained mere traders. SMITH, like all unless it made fast at every step the Scotch economists, looks upon of its advance. A showy, a a Nation as upon an individual, splendid, an outside prosperity and reasons accordingly. Nothing had no charms for them. If the is more true, than, that, amongst thing were not to be permanent ; individuals, trade and commerce if it were not to be solid, they ought to be left to work their own way and to find their own level. Here self-interest will operate true to a hair in causing that to be done which is best for each individual. But, observe, that it is gain, and gain only that is the object here. Protection to that which is gained; safety to the person gaining it; these are effectually provided for by the laws; or in other words, by the Sovereign power of the State, which stands by, sceptre in hand, and compels the individuals to act justly by one another.

1

Every fool can see clearly, that

cared not for it. The oak, and
not the poplar or the Scotch fir, ·
was the emblem of their policy.
Such men would naturally view
a nation in a very different light
from that in which they would
view an individual trafficker. They
would see, that, in the case of na-
tions, there was no common arbi-
ter, to whom to appeal, in the
last resort, for protection and for
justice. They would see, and
they did see, that nothing was
gained unless the nation was se-
cure. They saw that it could be
secure only in its own power of
defence; and they well knew that

here, the affairs of trade will re-the defence, and the only defence

of nations consists of its power to meet other nations in combat. They, therefore, resolved, that the commerce of England should be carried on in a way that would tend to the creating and the upholding of this species of power,

gulate themselves; and never did Scotch Economist see one inch beyond this. Our more solid and less, greedy ancestors saw a little farther. They saw, that that which was gained was nothing worth, unless protection came hand in hand along with it. Theyor, that it should not be carried never regarded England as a mart on at all.

whereon merely to make money

Here is the foundation of that

wise, that public spirited, that laws in virtue of which the Entrue English code, called the Na-glish coast should be the scene of vigation Laws. This code arose inquisitions, with force and arms not out of a greediness of gain; it was not a speculating project; it did not originate in a rivalship in the accumulation of what is called wealth it aimed at the obtaining and the securing of National pow

like those occasioned by the Gabelles of the Bourbons; and when on the shores of this then free country even the persons of women should not be held sacred from the search!

our

er, and not of a fleeting nature; But, while we have under not power to bribe and subsidise; eye this horrible system; while but permanent power; power these revenue Laws fill us with ingrowing out of, and everlastingly dignation as well as shame ; while closely connected with, every I for instance think of the rumcommercial operation. maging of my trunks at Liver

Upon this code, which was es-pool, I am not to fall in with the sentially a system of exclusion to BARINGS and RICARDOS, and a certain extent, has been engrafted a system of Custom House rapacity. It has degenerated at last into as base a thing as it was originally honourable and high minded. From a code, calculated

to say, that our Ancestors were fools, because they took care that there should be no commerce which did not tend to create and uphold the power of the Kingdom; any more than I am to say

to add to the permanent power of that there ought to be no English England; having nothing in view judge and no English court of but the safety and happiness and justice, because, in an English true glory of the kingdom, it has court of justice a Judge may now become a mere hunter after reve-pass sentence of banishment for nue, a rummager of band-boxes life upon a man found guilty of and a thief taker-like feeler of the libel; or any more than I am to very secret parts of the persons say that there ought to be no of women as well as men. What English Justices of the peace, would a member of Cromwell's and no Quarter Sessions of the peace, because a man has been sentenced to endure, and is now

parliament have said, if he had been told that the day would come, when his successors, sitting enduring, an imprisonment of in that very place, would enact four years and a half, in conse

J

quence of a sentence passed upon fictitious state of things; and to him, at one and the same Sessions prevent exchanges which would on the verdict given on three be advantageous to the country. indictments, merely for the pub- There is no reason why England lication of a libel? should not at times export corn to

I am not to condemn by whole- several parts of the world. It sale in this way; and, therefore has done it heretofore; and I I do not agree with you, that live in hopes of seeing the day to destroy the whole system is de- when it will do it again. Let sirable; nor do I regard of course, Peel's Bill be carried into comthose as enlightened persons, who plete effect; let this be done and have been calling so loudly for we shall frequently see the people this destruction. These are mere in France making their bread of disciples of SMITH; and it is English wheat. much safer to rely upon experiYour fourth paragraph supence than upon their doctrines. poses the currency of the country I agree with you that there are to be in a permanent state; or, limits, which have long ago been your argument is not good. And surpassed by our custom house even on the former supposition, it rapacity. Exchanges of commo- does not seem to be worth much. dities, between England and But, your fifth paragraph brings France, might take place greatly us into matter of a more interestto our advantage, without trench- ing nature. And do you "fear" ing at all upon the laws which then, my Lord, that-the low price contribute to our safety and of agricultural produce will be power. I am less certain as to permanent? Your words are, the timber trade. This employs" that the present depression in numerous ships and sailors; and the value of agricultural proif the Canada deals be not nearly "duce is of à permanent nature, so good, it is merely a certain so I fear there is too much reason much that the Nation pays for "to apprehend." Now, my Lord, its security and power.. How-to apprehend (used in this sense) ever, upon the question of agri- means to fear; so that your Lordcultural produce there can be no ship fears, that there is too much doubt that the excluding sys- reason to fear, which is, I suptem is mischievous; because its pose, a privilege confined to the natural tendency is to support a higher orders. However, if you

66

fear that the low price is perma- OTT, called weekly venom, and nent, you must wish that it may the author of which he called a be only temporary; and then miscreant; if your Lordship had your wishes, though you may not been engaged in attentively readknow it, are not in accordance ing that "trash," instead of being with the happiness of your coun- most actively engaged in the intry. Indeed you appear not to venting and the supporting meathink this; for you immediately sures calculated and intended to

add, that "the distress" is gene-stop the pen or destroy the body rally felt by all classes. Having of that author; nay, even if you so recently proved the contrary had read the "trash" which-his of this proposition; having, by unsubdued mind and unconquermy letter to Mr. ATTWOOD left able love of country made him send not the slightest doubt, that the from the land of his voluntary return to low prices have been, exile, you would not, at this time are, and must continue to be, be- of day, have been hunting about neficial, and greatly beneficial to in search of the causes of the preall the labouring classes, I will sent difficulties; but, that pride, not say more upon that subject which withheld you from lending here; but will merely refer your an ear to the voice of superior Lordship to that letter, which understanding, has now made you

was published on Saturday last the fifth day of this present month of May.

In the close of this paragraph, your Lordship observes, that," to "ascertain all the causes of these "difficulties is one of the great "problems of the present day, "inasmuch as it is the first step "towards the adoption of an effi“cient remedy.” If your Lord

ship had, in 1817, been engaged in attentively reading that two

penny trash, which the late ignorant and arrogant and persecuting friend of yours, WILLIAM ELLI

regard that as a difficult pioblem, which is as clear as day light to every mechanic and every labourer, who has read that “trash,” that "weekly venom," which all your efforts have not been sufficient to prevent him from reading with delight. But now here are you ignorant of what is known to every labouring man in the kingdom; and what is more, proclaiming your ignorance under your own hand.

The sixth paragraph of your letter is historical. It tells us no news indeed; but it talks of