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flection, if no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel."

Sectional Strife.

He clearly saw that corrupt and selfish men would seek to advance their personal interests by preying upon the sectional prejudices that are so easily awakened in a republic. He then realized that sectional strife endangered the preservation of the nation itself.

"The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But it is easy to foresee that,

from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should

cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable

attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatevever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

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'For this you have every inducement of sympathy and pity. Citizens, by birth or

choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to

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In contemplating the causes, which may disturbe our union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to

excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the

expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal

affection.

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parties. He feared that the day would come when, instead of government officials representing and working for the good of all, they would seek only the advancement of their respective parties. He spoke as follows in this memorable address:

Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its roots in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This, with-
in certain limits, is probably true; and in
Governments of a Monarchical cast, patriot-
ism may look with indulgence, if not with
favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those
of the popular character, in Governments
purely elective, it is a spirit not to be en-
couraged. From their natural tendency, it
is certain there will always be enough of
that spirit for every salutary purpose.
And,
there being constant danger of excess, the
effort ought to be, by force of public opinion,
to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be
quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to
prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, in-
stead of warming, it should consume.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the community with illfounded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosities of one part against another; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the adminIstration of the Government, and serve to

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of Power.

dressed his countrymen, the

money power had not yet devised
means of defeating the will of the peo-
ple through the use of the judiciary.
Then men were appointed to positions
on the Federal bench because of their
legal learning and unsullied integrity,
instead of the present method of pro-
moting corporation attorneys as a
reward for partisan service. 'Govern-
ment by injunction" was unknown, and
the executive branch of the Govern-
ment was satisfied to execute the laws
enacted by the legislative branch.
Washington's premonitions led him to
warn his fellow countrymen against
such disasters.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of
thinking in a free country should inspire
caution, in those intrusted with its adminis-
tration, to confine themselves within their
respective constitutional spheres, avoiding
in the exercise of the powers of one depart-
ment to encroach upon another. The spirit
of encroachment tends to consolidate the
powers of all the departments in one, and
thus to create, whatever the form of govern-
ment, a real despotism. A just estimate of
that love of power, and proneness to abuse
it, which predominates in the human heart.
is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this
position. The necessity of reciprocal checks

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in the exercise of political power by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasion by others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment, in the way which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

Isolation.

Washington feared the time Magnificent would come when Americans would become tired of their simple republic, when the ambitious would long for military glory and the selfish would hunger for the plunder of conquest. He dreaded lest these longings would lead Americans to join in the politics of the Old World, whose mornings have been war, and whose evenings have been desolation, in the centuries past.

The nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests.

So, like

wise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of

the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads, also, to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of fluence or awe the public councils? Such seduction, to mislead public opinion, to inan attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an at titude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation- when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a position? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to

private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore. let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

That Washington little hoped that his warnings would be heeded, his last public utterances would indicate, but earnestly he said:

Conditions at Dawson, Yukon Ty.

report one

From the Consul at Dawson City it is learned that navigation on the Lower Yukon River practically ceased on October 12th. The latest arrivals were three steamers and one barge, on October 7, from St. Michaels, September 1, 1899, with 1,000 tons of general merchandise. Masters steamer to follow, being advertised to leave St. Michaels for Dawson September 15, 1899. The up-river boats continued to ply between White Horse and Dawson, but it was expected that within ten days navigation would be suspended. Large quantities of freight, it is reported, was left over at White Horse until next spring, and some 1,500 tons of goods and merchandise are blockaded at Bennett, owing to the lack of facilities for transportation. is not thought, however, that there will be any actual shortage in any line of goods, especially provisions, the warehouses of the large companies being filled with supplies of every description.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism-this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

It

Among the latest improvements in Dawson is a large and commodious brick warehouse, erected in the business center of the town, the bricks being manufactured in Dawson from clay found in the vicinity. An effort is being made to establish public schools in Dawson this winter. The local council has passed an ordinance, which has been sent to Ottawa for approval and authority to put into practice.

The work of taking the annual census of Dawson was completed the latter part of September. The population is set down as 4,445 (3,659 male and 786 female) and 163 children under 14 years of age. Of the inhabitants of Dawson, 3,205 are from the United States, 645 from Canada, and 200 from England, the remainder scattering. It is estimated that quite 2,000

people left for Cape Nome district from August 26 to September 26, 1899.

The question of food supply no longer agitates the community. In addition to ample stocks of canned goods, there is an abundance of fresh beef, mutton, and pork, and plenty of fresh vegetables. There are also in the markets wild swan, geese, ducks, ptarmigan, grouse, Arctic hare, squirrels, beaver, bear, moose, and cariboo. Boots, shoes, and clothing are much lower in price than last year.

Cord wood was selling at from $20 to $23, in sixteen and twenty-four foot lengths, delivered. There is some coal used, an inferior kind of lignite, but not to any great extent; the price at the yard is $30 per ton of 2,000 pounds.

The first snow flurry occurred September 28th. Up to October 12th the weather had been clear and fine, the thermometer ranging in the twenties for the minimum and in the forties for the maximum, one day going as high as 53°. On the coldest morning so far the glass marked 10° above zero. This is not unusual weather for this district; owing to its sheltered position, there is little or no wind, and the cold weather, when it does come, is dry and invigorating.

The Canadian Government telegraph line, from Bennett to Dawson, a distance of 600 miles, with a branch to Atlin from Bennett of seventy-five miles, was completed to Dawson September 27, 1899. The line was commenced early last April, and was constructed at a reported cost of less than $130,000. Connection is made at Bennett with the line of the White Pass Railroad to Skagway, a distance of forty miles, messages being forwarded from Skagway by first steamer to Vancouver, thence by Canadian Pacific wire to destination. Rates as

now established for the United States range from $4.35 to $4.75 for ten words, and from 23 to 27 cents for each additional word. No arrangements have been made for the transfer of money by wire.

A New Telegraph System. At Budapest, Austria-Hungary, a new system of electric telegraphy has been invented by which, according to consular reports, as high as ninety thousand words an hour have been transmitted. The inventors conceived the idea of using a telephone as a receiver. The transmitter sends forth positive and negative currents in succession, which act upon a telephonic plate. The vibrations of the plate are intensified in a manner described below, and are registered before the eyes on a paper. The rapid use of the positive and negative currents economizes so much time that the words are telegraphed almost as rapidly as they are spoken.

All dispatches must first be written out in telegraphic characters, as in the Morse system. Instead of the dots and dashes of the Morse system, however, the V sign is used upright, or inverted, as follows: Λ These characters are as easily read after a little practice as the dots and dashes. Another point of resemblance to other telegraphic machines is that the machine perforates the strip on which the characters are placed, so that the paper directly over the characters is removed. The strip, or tape, is carried over a revolving cylinder, on which press two metal brushes, one bearing on the upright V, the other on the inverted A, so that the brushes and the metallic roller are brought into contact each time that the characters are perforated. The positive current

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