holders; receive such evidence as is abovementioned; refuse a copy of an indictment, or to suffer the statute of 46 Edward III. to be read, that doth expressly enact, it should in no case be denied unto any man upon any occasion whatsoever; over-rule the most important points of law, without hearing. And whereas the statute 25 Edward III. upon which they said I should be tried, doth reserve unto the parliament all constructions to be made in points of treason, they could assume unto themselves not only a power to make constructions, but such constructions as neither agree with law, reason, or common sense. By these

means I am brought to this place. The Lord forgive these practices, and avert the evils that threaten the nation from them. The Lord sanctify these my sufferings unto me; and though I fall as a sacrifice unto idols, suffer not idolatry to be established in this land. Bless thy people and save them. Defend thy own cause, and defend those that defend it. Stir up such as are faint; direct those that are willing; confirm those that waver; give wisdom and integrity unto all. Order all things so as may most redound unto thine own glory. Grant that I may die glorifying thee for all thy mer

cies, and that at the last thou hast permitted me to be singled out as a witness of thy truth; and even by the confession of my opposers, for that Old Cause, in which I was from my youth engaged, and for which thou hast often and wonderfully declared thyself."

Sidney suspecting that the sheriffs might suppress it, took the precaution of giving a copy of it to a friend. And it being under-, stood that written copies were dispersed, it was printed; though not till a fortnight after the

execution.

No work of Algernon Sidney is now extant, but his "Discourses concerning Government," and some letters to Henry Saville, esq. though, he says himself that he "believed he had burned more papers of his own writing, than a horse could carry." There still remain however at Penshurst, in his own hand-writing, treatises in Latin and Italian; as also an Essay on Virtuous Love, in English. His "Discourses" were first published in 1698, folio, and reprinted in 1704. But a more beautiful edition appeared in 1751, to which are added, "Memoirs of his Life, and an Apology for himself, both now first published, and

the latter from his original MS. with an alphabetical Index of the principal Matters."

The title to the above Letters is "Letters of the Honourable Algernon Sidney, to the Honourable Henry Saville, Ambassador in France, in the year 1679, &c.; now first printed from the Originals in Mr. Sidney's own hand." London, 1742, 8vo. They relate chiefly to the proceedings of parliament, and the popish plot. Several of his letters too are inserted in the Letters and Memorials of State of the Sidney Family, published by Arthur Collins, esq.

The Discourses concerning Government are divided into three chapters, which are again subdivided into sections. They were written in reply to a book of sir Robert Filmer on the subject of monarchy. The author begins:

Having lately seen a book, intitled "Patriarcha," written by sir Robert Filmer, concerning the universal and undistinguished right of all kings, I thought a time of leisure might be well employed in examining his doctrine, and the questions arising from it; which seem so far to concern all mankind, that, besides the influence upon our future life, they may be said to comprehend all that in this world deserves to be

cared for. If he say true, there is but one government in the world that can have any thing of justice in it and those who have hitherto been esteemed the best and wisest of men, for having constituted commonwealths or kingdoms, and taken much pains so to proportion the powers of several magistracies, that they might all concur in procuring the public good, or so to divide the powers between the magistrates and people, that a well regulated harmony might be preserved in the whole, were the most unjust and foolish of all men. They were not builders, but overthrowers of governments: their business was to set up aristocratical, democratical, or mixed governments, in opposition to that monarchy which, by the immutable laws of God and nature, is imposed upon mankind; or presumptuously to put shackles upon the monarch, who, by the same laws, is to be absolute and uncontrouled: they were rebellious and disobedient sons, who rose up against their father; and not only refused to hearken to his voice, but made him bend to their will. In their opinion, such only deserved to be called good men, who endeavoured to be good to mankind, or to that country to which they were more particularly related: and inasmuch as that good consists in a felicity of estate, and perfection of person, they highly valued such as had endeavoured to make men better, wiser, and happier. This they understood to be the end for which

men entered into societies: and though Cicero says,, that commonwealths were instituted for the obtaining of justice, he contradicts them not, but comprehends all in that word; because it is just, that whosoever receives a power, should employ it wholly for the accomplishment of the ends for which it was. given. This work could be performed only by such as excelled in virtue: but lest they should deflect from it, no government was thought to be well constituted, unless the laws prevailed above the commands of men; and they were accounted as the worst of beasts, who did not prefer such a condition before a subjection to the fluctuating and irregular will of a man.

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In the first lines of his book he seems to denounce war against mankind, endeavouring to overthrow the principle of liberty in which God created us, and which includes the chief advantages of the life we enjoy, as well as the greatest helps towards the felicity that is the end of our hopes in the other. To this end he absurdly imputes to the school divines that which was taken up by them as a common no❤ tion, written in the heart of every man, denied by none but such as were degenerated into beasts, from whence they might prove such points as of themselves were less evident.

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Though the schoolmen were corrupt, they were neither stupid nor unlearned: they could not but see