IN MEMORIAM.

JAMES CONNOLLY.

James Connolly, well known in Ireland and the United States as a labor organizer and Socialist, was executed in May, 1916, because of the part he played in the Irish revolt. Connolly, who was an Irishman by birth, spent some years in America, where he was editor of The Harp from 1907 to 1909. On his return to Ireland he worked to organize an Irish working class movement. He helped the movement which led to the Dublin uprising because it was inspired by the spirit of labor revolt. He was one of those who signed the proclamation setting up an Irish Republic, and in common with all the signatories was tried by court martial for so doing. As he had been wounded in the fighting in which he took a prominent part, he was not immediately executed. In the short interval, it was hoped that the British Government would have commuted the death sentence; but despite the terrible vengeance which had already been wreaked upon the Irish Revolutionists, no mercy was shown.

Connolly's writings and speeches testified to his devotion to the international Socialist movement and to the principles for which it stands. He never failed to impress upon his fellow workers in Ireland the need of Socialist propaganda. Those who knew Connolly mourn his loss because of his high qualities of intellect, honesty, courage, and willingness to sacrifice himself for the sake of his oppressed fellow beings.

WALTER CRANE. (1845-1915)

Walter Crane, one of the world's leading artists, joined the Socialist Party in his youth, at a time when interest in Socialism in England was at low ebb. His presence, with that of William Morris, brought into the movement a spiritual element which attracted many who were uncharmed by the promises of economists and politicians.

Crane's rank in the world of art is beyond dispute, but a fuller discussion of his views and artistic achievements is here out of place. For many years he contributed to the London "Justice" a new design with each recurring May day. Many of his best drawings are collected in the wellknown portfolio "Cartoons for the Cause."

It is well for us now, when Socialism is starting on a new era, when the labors before us seem endless, to see the vision of the future as Morris and Crane saw it. Then faith will yet be justified.

KEIR HARDIE (1856-1915).

Keir Hardie was born at Leg-Rannoch, Holytown, Scotland, on August 15, 1856. His youth was an extremely difficult one. At the age of seven he began to work in the mines, and until he was twenty-four he remained a manual laborer. Whatever education he acquired in these early years he owed to his mother, and to his own passion for knowledge. He soon became a leader in his union, and in 1888 he stood for Parliament, backed by his union. He was defeated. He took part in the founding of the Independent Labor Party, and established the Labor Leader. He entered Parliament in 1892, making a stir by his unconventional attire and behavior. In 1900 he was returned from Merthyr Tydvil, in Wales, and held this seat until his death.

John Spargo writes in the New Review:

"It is not too much to savy of Hardie that of all the great leaders of the modern Socialist movement he most clearly represented in his person its proletarian character. For he was of the working-class, bone of its bone, flesh of its flesh, blood of its blood. Unlike too many who have been called to positions of eminence, he never forsook the class in which he was cradled. He strove manfully to rise with his class, but was too loyal and too great of mind and heart to rise out of his class.

"He was not a great theorist, in this respect being utterly unlike both Bebel and Jaurès, with whom his name will forever be associated. But in some respects he was a more practical leader and statesman than either of them. He paid scant heed to theories and formulae-and that was why many of us very often failed to understand him. He was, indeed, a fighter and not a maker of phrases.

"If his death was tragic, let us never forget that his life was glorious. He personified the aspirations and faith of the proletariat."

JEAN JAURES (1859-1914).

A few days after the outbreak of the great war the world was startled by the dramatic death of the leader of the French Socialist movement, Jean Jaurès.

When the clouds of the approaching world conflict were assembling, Jaurès was active in the movement to avert the catastrophe. The great Socialist leader, the tribune of the French workers, the arch enemy of militarism and war was in the way of the reactionary powers of France.

The voice of protest which Jaures raised in common with the Socialists of the world, was silenced by the bullet of an

assassin. The brilliant champion of the workers fell a martyr in the cause of peace during the first days of the European conflagration.

Jean Jaurès sprang from the middle class, but no one worked harder than he for the emancipation of the working class. He was well educated, and in his youth taught philosophy at Alli and Toulouse. Politics, especially radicalism, attracted him, and in 1885 he was returned to the Chamber as a Radical Republican. In 1889, after his defeat by a monarchist, he became a Socialist. In 1893 he announced himself as a socialist candidate and was elected by an overwhelming majority.

Jaurès was a man of extraordinary capacity for work. It is doubtful if he had an equal as an orator, and his abilities as a debater were hardly less remarkable. His activities were manifold, including speaking, writing, editing "L'Humanité," the Socialist Party organ,-leading strikes and taking part in party controversies, besides attending assiduously to his duties as deputy.

He was continually in the thick of party affairs, and even when he disagreed with the policy adopted by the party, he was altogether loyal. At the time of the Millerand controversy he opposed Bebel at the International Socialist Congress, in Amsterdam, contending that in a republic, compromise with other parties is possible. But when the vote went against him, he gracefully gave in to the decree of the Congress.

Jaurès was the leading figure at International Socialist congresses, and was recognized as one of the foremost Socialists of the world.

With the passing of Jaurès the International Socialist movement in general and the French movement in particular have sustained a great loss.

EDOUARD VAILLANT. (1840-1915.)

Edouard Vaillant, one of the last of the Old Guard, died after a long and fruitful life on Dec. 19, 1915. Born in Vierson in 1840, Vaillant at the age of 17 obtained the matriculation degree and that of Doctor of Science at 25. His activities extend back to the Franco-Prussian War, and to the exciting days of the Commune that followed. He took part in the Lausanne Congress of the old "International," and spread its principles among the workers. He was elected to Parliament in 1871, and served on the executive commission of the Commune. He had to flee Paris the same year, and when he returned after the Amnesty of 1880 he founded the Journal "Ni Dieu, ni Maitre." He was subsequently

elected to the Chamber many times. At the International Congresses Vaillant was a permanent figure.

The French government took official part in Vaillant's funeral. Viviani, Combes and others of the Cabinet were present. The President sent his representatives. The Socialist Parliamentary group as well as other socialists were there in large numbers.

Vaillant was violently opposed to war. He was famed for his discourses in the Chamber of Deputies in support of a limited period of army service. He favored a democratic militia instead of a standing army. He was co-author with Keir Hardie of the resolution that was to have been presented to the International Socialist Congress in 1914, calling for a general strike of workers in munition factories to prevent war.

Professor Richard T. Ely in "Socialism and Social

Reform," p. 19.

"Socialism is that contemplated system of industrial society which proposes the abolition of private property in the great material instruments of production, and the substitution therefor of collective property; and advocates the collective management of production, together with the distribution of social income by society, and private property in the larger proportion of this social income."

Professor Henry R. Seager, in "Principles of Economics,” p. 613.

"Socialism proposes to substitute for private management of industry, state management and for private ownership of the instruments of production, collective ownership."

Professor F. W. Taussig, in "Principles of Economics," Vol. II, p. 443.

"Socialism proposes to do away with the system of private property, and especially with that system so far as it leads to great inequalities. It proposes, above all, to do away with the leisure class, and with incomes from interest and rent,—to allow only incomes secured from labor."

Morris Hillquit in "Socialism; Promise or Menace," p. 72.

"Socialism demands the collective ownership and social operation of such industries as depend on the use of social tools and are organized on the basis of collective work; it is not concerned with purely individual pursuits or vocations."

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS

WOMAN AND CHILD LABOR.

BY HELEN L. SUMNER.

The problems of woman's work and of child labor are entirely different. The evils connected with the gainful labor of women, except married women and mothers, are essentially the same as those connected with the gainful labor of men. They are primarily physical overstrain, bad working conditions, long hours, and low wages. The evils connected with the gainful labor of children, on the other hand, are primarily associated with the exposure of immature human bodies and minds to conditions which render impossible complete physical and mental development. Nevertheless, these two subjects are so frequently treated together, both in statistical studies and in legislation, that it is convenient to discuss them together here.

In discussing child labor most writers consider only the work of young children,-i. e., of those under 16 years of age. The younger the child undoubtedly the greater the evil of premature labor. But the problems of child labor are not by any means exclusively those connected with the labor of young children. Physiologically and legally young persons under 21 years of age are different from adults. The growth of the human body is not completed until some time between twenty and twenty-five years of age, and up to that time strength is needed, not only for repairing ordinary wastage as in the case of adults, but for physical and mental growth. During these years of growth the mind is plastic and nature indicates that labor should be primarily educational, preparatory for adult life, and only secondarily, if at all, gainful. Legally, too, all persons under 21 years of age are under certain disabilities as to their freedom of action, and are therefore held to be subject to special protection on the part of the state. For these reasons special consideration should be given to the group of young people from 16 to 20 years of age who are passing through the most critical stage of their industrial careers nominally under the guardianship of the state.

More Girls Employed.

In 1910, as shown in Table I, nearly one out of every four females ten years of age and over, or 23.4 per cent., were engaged in some gainful occupation. This was a decided increase over 1900, when less than one out of every five, or 18.8 per cent., were gainfully employed. This increase occurred