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or rather to reinstate upon the throne of England a purely national Anglo-Saxon line, after it had long been broken by the Danes? Edward's own race may, in a manner, be. said to show how weak and irretrievably declining was the Anglo-Saxon element. Edward himself was a son of the Norman princess, Emma, and thus brother-in-law to the Danish jar], Thorkil the Tall, who had married his sister Ulfhilde, widow of the Danish jarl Ulfketil Snilling ; he was half-brother to his predecessor on the throne, the Danish king Hardicanute; and he was married to Editha, daughter of Jarl Godwin, by his second wife, Gyda, who, being a daughter of the Jarl Thorkil Sprakaleg, nephew of the Danish king Harald Blaatand, was of Danish descent. Godwin, moreover, in his first marriage, is said to have espoused a Danish woman, a daughter of Svend Tveskjseg, and sister to Canute the Great. Thus Edward the Confessor's queen, Editha, and her well-known brothers Svend, Harald, Gurth, and Toste, who, both during and after Edward's reign, played a highly remarkable part in English history, were on the mother's side of Danish extraction, of which the Scandinavian names of Godwin's sons bear sufficient evidence. It was partly also in consideration of this Scandinavian kinsmanship that Toste sought assistance in Denmark and Norway against his brother, King Harald; and that afterwards (in the year 1066), both Toste's son, Skule, and Harald's son, Edmund, fled to Scandinavia—the former through Orkney to Norway, the latter straight to Denmark—after their fathers had fallen, within a short period, in the battles of Stamford Bridge and Hastings. It is remarkable enough that Godwin's race should return to, and even flourish in, that same Scandinavian North whence, on the mother's side, it had sprung. Toste's son, Skule, married in Norway Gudrun, a daughter of Harald Haardraade's sister, and became by her the progenitor of so mighty a race, both of jarls and kings, that their branches extended over the whole of Scandinavia.
During the last period of the declining house of the Anglo-Saxon kings, we further meet with the Scandinavian names of Guttorm, Hagen, and Magnus. The name of Magnus, borne by King Harald Godvinsdn's youngest son, was introduced into Norway through a mistake. It is related that a son having been born one night to King Olaf (Saint Olaf), no one dared to awake the King and inform him of it. The child, however, being very weakly, the priest Sighvat Skjaldt took upon himself to baptize it, and called it Magnus, after "the best man in the world," Karl Magnus, or Charlemagne; probably in the belief that the Latin word magnm, which was only the Emperor Charles' surname, was a real name. The boy grew up, and afterwards became king of Norway, where he was usually called "Magnus the Good." Magnus's grave is said to have been discovered in St. John's Church, in the town of Lewes, in Sussex. In the new church, which has lately been built on the site of the old one, has been preserved, and built into the wall, the monumental stone, which bears the following inscription:— "Clauditur hie miles Danorum regia proles; Mangnus nome(n) ei Mangne nota progeniei. Deponens Mangnum, se moribus induit agnum P(re)pete p(ro) vita fit parvulus arnacorita." Or, "Here lies a warrior (or knight) of the royal Danish race; his name, Mangnus, is the mark of his great descent. Laying aside his greatness he adopted the habits of a lamb, and exchanged his busy life for that of a simple hermit."
That this Magnus, "of the royal Danish race," was the son of the Harald Godvinson lately mentioned (whose mother Gyda, it is true, was of the Danish royal family) is, however, a mere conjecture. An older legend states that he was a Danish chief, or commander, taken prisoner by the English in a sanguinary battle near Lewes, and who, being well treated, afterwards laid aside his sword, and became a hermit at that place. (See Lower, in "Transactions of the British Archseological Association at its second Congress at Winchester," pp. 307-310.) It may, perhaps, be most probable that he was one of those scions of the Danish aristocracy that remained in the south of England after the Norman conquest had overthrown the supremacy of the Danish chiefs in that part.
It was in the south of England, where William the Conqueror first established his power, that the Norman nobility obtained their earliest possessions. In the midland and northern districts, on the contrary, it was neither easy to subdue the country, nor to annihilate entirely the Danish aristocracy, which had completely coalesced with the essentially Danish population. Long after the conquest, therefore, the Danish chiefs continued to preserve their independence, or at least their influence, in those parts. A remarkable instance of this, though taken only from a single district, is afforded by William's own "Domesday-Book," drawn up about twenty years after the conquest. In this, under the head of Lincolnshire, are mentioned the great persons who possessed the right of administering justice on their estates, together with other privileges belonging to noblemen, such as sacam and socam, and Tol and Tbiam; and among them are found " Harald Jarl; the Jarl Waltef (Valthjof); Radulf Jarl; Merlesuen; Turgot; Tochi, son of Outi; Stori (Styr); Radulf " stalre;" Rolf, son of Sceldeware; Harold "stalre;" "Siuuard barn;" Achi (Aage), son of Sivard; Azer, son of Sualena; Outi, son of Azer; Tori, son of Rold; Toli, son of Alsi; Azer, son of Burg; "Uluuard uuite;" Ulf; Haminc (Hemming); Bardt; Suan, son of Suane." Now even if it be certain that several of these chiefs were Normans, particularly since the Norman names at that time still preserved their primitive Scandinavian form, yet it is clear that most of them were Danish-English. It is to be regretted that Domesday-Book does not comprise the ancient Northumberland, as that district would certainly have afforded more names of Danish chieftains than' even the old Danish Lincolnshire; for the Danish aristocracy were never driven out or entirely subdued in those parts; but rather must have amalgamated in the course of time with their countrymen, the Norman nobility, until the latter by degrees gained the ascendancy. This is at once shown by the notorious fact that neither William the Conqueror, nor his immediate successors, obtained such mastery over the north of England and its Danish population, as over the rest of that country; since the inhabitants of the north fought, with the bravery inherited from their forefathers, for their Danish chiefs, and for their peculiar, and partly Danish, institutions, manners, and customs.
The Danelag.—Holmgang, or Duel.—Jury.—The Peeling of
The Anglo-Saxons were the teachers of the Danes in several ways; above all they made them Christians, and thus communicated to them a new and higher civilization. The Danes in England reaped advantage from the civilization of the Anglo-Saxons, just as the Anglo-Saxons themselves had once begun their own, by building on that refinement which their predecessors, the Romans, had disseminated in England.
But as the Anglo-Saxons did not become Romans, because they adopted and remodelled the Roman civilization; nor the Normans in Normandy Frenchmen, because after their settlement in France they soon assumed many of the French manners and customs; so neither did the Danes in England become Anglo-Saxons, however much they might have been indebted to them for their civilization. The Normans in France retained, in spite of their Christianity and French refinement, the characteristic stamp of their Scandinavian origin, which afterwards caused them to play quite a peculiar part in history. In like manner the Danes in England, amidst the refinements of the Anglo-Saxons, undoubtedly preserved many of their Scandinavian characteristics, which did not disappear without leaving visible and very remarkable traces. But the Scandinavian spirit stamped itself, though perhaps only apparently, in a somewhat different manner on the Norman race in Normandy, and on the Danes in England.
Among the Normans in France the Scandinavian spirit worked, so to speak, only outwardly, in magnificent conquests, of which the chief theatres were England, Italy, and Sicily. Chivalry and feudalism, with their crusades, communicated a new impulse to it; but, internally, it