him the nick-name "Horizontal Bill.” It proposed to make a horizontal reduction of 20 per cent. on the duties levied by the Act of 1883. But this met with little favor, for, it was argued, if the Act of 1883 was uneven, irrational and contradictory in its schedules, a uniform reduction of 20 per cent, would not make it a bit less so. Thirty-nine Democrats voted with the Republicans against even giving the Bill consideration. After it had been discussed at length 37 Democrats voted with the Republicans to strike out the enacting clause, while 6 Democrats refrained from voting. The motion to strike out carried by 158 to 155, and that was the end of tariff agitation for the Forty-eighth Congress.

The situation in regard to the Presidency at the time of Garfield's assassination reminded Congress that legislation was needed relating to the succession to that office. The Act of 1792, which was still in force in 1881, provided that in case the Vice-President, as well as the President dies, is removed or is disqualified, then the President pro tempore of the Senate, or, after him, the Speaker of the House, should assume the duties of the office until the disability is removed, or a President elected. At this time there was no Speaker of the House, because the new Congress had not met. It had been the custom, on the last day of the sessions of the Senate, for the Vice-President to retire, so that the Senate might elect a President pro tempore, to hold office during the recess, but this had been neglected at the special session of the Senate in May. There was an interval of some weeks therefore, in which, in case of President Arthur's death, there would have been no provision whatever for the succession. On the second day of the first regular session of the Forty-seventh Congress, the Senate ordered its Judiciary Committee to inquire whether any further legislation was necessary in respect to the Presidential suecession, and report by Bill, or otherwise. Senator Garland, for the Committee, accordingly reported a Bill placing the succession to the Presidency in members of the Cabinet, in an order named, commencing with the Secretary of State. This was in 1881, and it is a curious comment on the disposition of legislative bodies to defer matters when the immediate exigency has passed, that no measure on this subject was adopted until January, 1886, when a law based on Garland's plan was enacted.

A bill restricting Chinese immigration, in accordance with the terms of the Burlingame treaty, passed both Houses of the Fortyseventh Congress, but was vetoed by President Arthur. An effort

to pass it over his veto failed, when another Bill, framed so as to meet his objections, passed and became a law.

Under the Act organizing National Banks, the charters of these associations had a life time of only twenty years. Their charters began expiring about this time and an Act passed this Congress allowing them to reorganize for twenty years more. The first AntiPolygamy Act, directed especially against the Mormons in Utah, also passed the Forty-seventh Congress, by a non-partisan vote.

The factional spirit which had been fostered by the incidents of the Chicago Convention and by the events that followed in New York, told heavily in the elections of 1882. In Pennsylvania for nearly thirty years, there have been two factions among the Republicans. They have generally confined their disputes to caucuses and conventions, and afterwards supported the nominations therein made, but 1882 was one of the years when they couldn't agree, and there were two Republican candidates for Governor. The result was the election of Robert M. Pattison, Democrat. The same influences defeated Henry W. Oliver, the Regular Republican nominee for the United States Senate, though they did not elect a Democrat. In Massachusetts, up to that time reliably Republican, a combination of Greenbackers and Democrats also defeated the Republicans for Governor. But the worst break was in New York State, where about 200,000 "Half Breed" Republicans stayed away from the polls, because the candidate was supposed to represent the Administration, to which they had not yet become reconciled. The result was to give Grover Cleveland 192,854 majority for Governor, and to put beyond question his nomination as the next Democratic candidate for the Presidency.

XXIX.

THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.

Prominent Men in Attendance as Delegates-Contest Over the Tem porary Chairman-An Important Change in the Rules-Text of the Platform Adopted-Blaine and Arthur the Leading Candidates Nomination of the Former-Analysis of the Vote-General Logan for Vice-President-Opposition to the Ticket Within the Party-The Rise and Good Fortune of Grover Cleveland-He Receives the Democratic Nomination-A Bitter Personal Contest-Blaine's Western Tour-His Unfortunate Stay in New York-Parson Burchard's Misfit Speech-Success of the Democratic Ticket.

The eighth National Convention of the Republican party opened in the Exposition Building, Chicago, June 3, 1884. The proceedings were not lacking in interest, though they were entirely lacking in the strifes and excitements of four years earlier. The contest was recog nized, at the outset, as being between Arthur and Blaine, though there were, as usual, a few favorite sons in the field. The personnel of the Convention was not as strong as some that have been held, although it included the two next Republican Presidents, Harrison and McKinley, and a third, General Alger, who was a leading candidate for the Republican nomination, four years later. The following were among the leading delegates: Powell Clayton and Logan H Roots, of Arkansas; Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois; Richard W. Thompson and Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana; John S. Clarkson, of Iowa; Senator Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas; William O. Bradley, Walter Evans and William C. Goodloe, of Kentucky; William Pitt Kellogg, P. B. S. Pinchback, and A. J. Dumont, of Louisiana; George F. Hoar, William W. Crapo, John D. Long, Henry Cabot Lodge and Carroll D. Wright, of Massachusetts; Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota; Blanche K. Bruce and John R. Lynch, of Mississippi; R. T. VanHorn, John B. Henderson and Chauncey I. Filley, of Missouri; William McKinley, Mark A. Hanna, Benjamin Eggleston and A. L

Conger, of Ohio; H. H. Bingham and Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsyl vania; W. P. Brownlow and L. C. Houck, of Tennessee.

The Michigan delegation was as follows: At Large-Roswell G Horr, William F. Swift, Samuel C. Watson and Julius C. Burrows. By Districts (1) Russell A. Alger, William S. Morey; (2) W. A Underwood, Joseph T. Jacobs; (3) Edward C. Nichols, William H Powers; (4) S. T. Reed, Josiah Andrews; (5) George W. Webber, Henry F. Thomas; (6) M. D. Chatterton, Joseph E. Sawyer; (7) John P. Sanborn, R. R. Noble; (8) W. S. Turck, W. E. Watson; (9) M. P. Gale, Abel Anderson; (10) H. H. Aplin, George W. Bell; (11) Seth C. Moffatt, Samuel M. Stephenson.

One of the sharpest contests of the Convention was over the comparatively unimportant office of temporary Chairman. Ever since the party was organized it had been the province of the National Committee to name that official. In accordance with this custom the Committee designated for the place Powell Clayton, a one-armed Union soldier from Arkansas, then the leading Republican politician in that State. The friends of General Arthur antagonized Clayton with John R. Lynch, a colored delegate from Mississippi, Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, making this nomination. The discussion of this question, which developed more heat than the subject at all warranted, was participated in by fourteen different members of the Convention, and the roll call of states showed 424 votes for Lynch to 384 for Clayton. This was considered a triumph for President Arthur. In reality it was simply an anti-Blaine vote, for the opposition to Blaine never united on Arthur. Following this, S. W. Hawkins, of Tennessee, moved a suspension of the rules, and the adoption of a resolution that, "as the sense of this Convention, every member is bound in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee may be; and that no man should hold a seat here who is not ready to so agree." After a short debate, in which half a dozen members participated, the resolution was withdrawn.

The Committee on Permanent Organization reported the name of John B. Henderson, of Missouri, for President, and Charles W Clisbee, of Michigan, for Secretary. Mr. Henderson, in a brief speech. on taking the chair, praised all the men that had been talked of as possible candidates, and, on his own account, added "the grand old hero of Kenesaw Mountain and Atlanta" to the list.

The report of the Committee on Rules was the subject of a long discussion. One of the propositions, debated at length, and with

great earnestness, was that the district representation in future Conventions should be based on the number of Republican votes cast for Congressman at the last election, instead of being the same for all the districts. This was hotly opposed by the Southern Republicans, who insisted that their representation in the Convention should not be reduced, because Southern Democrats, with the practical connivance of the National Administration, had disfranchised many of their voters. The proposition was finally withdrawn. It has been brought up, either in the National Committee or in open Convention, in every campaign since then, even to that of 1900, and has, every time, been either withdrawn or voted down.

The only rule that was materially changed as a result of the long discussion, was that relating to the duties of the National Commit

As finally adopted the rule read as follows: "A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one member from each State, Territory and the District of Columbia. The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory and District of Columbia, shall name, through its Chairman, a person to act as a member of the Committee who is not eligible as a member of the Electoral College. Said Committee shall issue the call for a meeting of the National Convention six months at least before the time fixed for said meeting; and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its delegates to the National Convention in the same way as the nomination of a member of Congress is made in said District; and in the territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected in the same way as the nomination of delegates to Congress is made; and said National Convention shall prescribe the mode of electing delegates for the District of Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same way and at the same time as the delegate is elected. Delegates-at-large for each State, and their alternates, shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective states."

The clause providing that no person should be a member of the Committee who was not eligible as a member of the Electoral College was intended to exclude Federal office-holders from the Committee, and was adopted on account of the Civil Service Act, forbidding such officers to solicit or receive campaign contributions from other Federal office-holders or Government employes.