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of the count and the Senate was announced at the door of the Chamber. The fact that the House had not finished consideration of the Wisconsin matter did not vitiate the vote of that State, the count was concluded, and the result announced as 185 votes for Hayes and Wheeler and 184 for Tilden and Hendricks. By states the result was

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The result of the election in Colorado added another to the numerous pangs that pierced the Democratic breast. That community was offered Statehood several years before this, but preferred to retain the territorial form of Government for awhile longer. In 1876 it applied for admission as a State, and as it was supposed to be safely Democratic, the House of that Congress largely voted for its admission, and it came in as "The Centennial State." Its State elec tion, following the adoption of its Constitution, was reported at first to have resulted in a Democratic victory, but full returns showed the choice, by a small majority, of the Republican State officers. In November it gave Hayes 838 majority. If it had given the expected Democratic majority Tilden would have been elected, without worrying himself over Oregon or the half reconstructed Southern States.

It was the fashion, for a time, among Democratic newspapers and stump speakers, to refer to the outcome of the Electoral Commission plan as a fraud, and to speak of Hayes as a fraudulent President. The New York Sun kept this up as long as Mr. Dana lived. The men who made themselves hoarse by shouting about "The Fraud of '76” have nearly all passed away or learned to hold their peace. But many of those who grow red in the face, and threaten themselves with apoplexy, while disclaiming against "The Crime of '73" are still at large upon the earth.

XXV.

ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES.

A Strong Cabinet Selected-Four Important Political and Financial Events-Abandonment of Southern Republicans—Ku-Klux and Tissue Ballot Outrages In the South-The Bland-Allison Silver Coinage Measure-Changes in the New York Custom House-A Famous Civil Service Order—A Circular Against Political Assessments--The Greenback Craze of 1878-The Resumption of Specie Payments-Regulating the Electoral Count-Restricting Chinese Immigration-Pensioning Jeff Davis-Senator Chandler's Eloquent Protest.

In the selection of his Cabinet the new President showed, for the most part, excellent judgment, securing for the most important places men of recognized ability and of unquestioned Republicanism. It was composed as follows:

Secretary of State-William M. Evarts, of New York.
Secretary of the Treasury-John Sherman, of Ohio.
Secretary of War-George W. McCrary, of Iowa.

Secretary of the Navy-Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana.
Secretary of the Interior-Carl Schurz, of Missouri.
Postmaster General-David M. Key, a Democrat, of Tennessee
Attorney General-Charles Devens, of Massachusetts.

The only one of these appointments that met with severe criticism was that of Ex-Senator Schurz, and that was not a fortunate appoint ment either from a political or business point of view. Mr. Schurz, "Greeleyized" in 1872, was bitter in his hostility to Grant, and was generally unacceptable to the so-called Stalwart wing of the Republican party, though in that respect the President himself, was soon in the same position. Mr. Schurz had never shown any capacity for business affairs, yet he was assigned to a department, which was almost wholly business, and not political, in its character. There was, however, one bond of sympathy between him and the President.

He was a professional civil service reformer, and the President was active in extending civil service rules as far as possible. In December, 1879, Secretary McCrary resigned to become United States Judge for the Eighth Judicial circuit, and Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota, was appointed in his place. In 1880 Postmaster General Key resigned, and was succeeded by Horace Maynard, of Tennessee.

The Hayes Administration has been sometimes spoken of as a colorless one, and it was lacking in the excitements that had attended some previous periods, but it was marked by four very important events, political and financial. These were the abandonment of all attempts, by Federal interference, to secure to the colored voters in the South, their political rights; the rapid and unexpected growth of the Greenback party; the resumption of specie payments; and the recommencement of the coinage of the standard silver dollar.

Although the Seceded States ratified the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, the leaders among them never intended to live up to the spirit of the last two. The method employed by the Democrats to evade or nullify them were numerous, ingenious and some of them barbarous. Georgia was, at first, the most open and defiant in its nullifying measures, but in the end, the Mississippi blacks suffered the most from personal cruelties and outrages. As early as 1869, Georgia, even before its Senators and Representatives had been admitted to Congress, decided, through its Legislature, that colored men were not entitled to serve as Legislators, nor to hold office in the State. Accordingly the blacks were expelled from the Legislature while whites, who were ineligible under the Fourteenth Amendment, were allowed to remain. islature refused to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment. passed an Act declaring the Legislature illegally constituted, and required the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, as a prerequisite to the admission of Senators and Representatives to Congress. The Legislature, as constituted before the expulsions was, therefore, reconvened, and the Amendment was ratified.

The same Leg-
Congress then

This was the last act of open defiance of Congress by any Seceded State. But Southern ingenuity was soon at work devising means to accomplish, by indirection, what it did not venture farther to attempt by open defiance. The Ku-Klux Klan was the first of these inventions It was a secret organization, whose members went through the country, chiefly at night, on horseback, disguised and armed, intimi dating, beating, maiming and murdering blacks and white Republi

cans.

It spread through all the Gulf States except Florida, and its outrages extended also through North and South Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas. Its operations were especially active just before election, and their intimidating effects were so complete that in some of the states many thousands of colored and white Republicans did not venture to go to the polls. The story of these outrages, as told in the evidence taken before Congressional Investigating Committees, furnishes a chapter of horrid barbarities better suited to a Moslem community in the Middle Ages than to a Christian country in the Nineteenth Century.

The tissue ballot was a South Carolina invention for the more peaceable nullification of the Republican vote. A Democratic ballot, printed on the paper commonly used, was first taken, and folded within this there might be half a dozen or a dozen smaller ballots, printed on tissue paper. The Republican ballots were all of the larger size, and printed on the coarser paper. If the number of ballots in a box exceeded the number of names checked on the poll list, the law required that a sufficient number of ballots should be drawn from the box, to equalize the number remaining with the number of names on the list. This was done by one of the inspec tors, blindfolded. But a person did not need the use of his eyes to distinguish between the Democratic tissue ballots and the Republican ballots on heavier paper. The latter were invariably the ones thrown out, and the former were left in and counted.

Besides these methods of keeping out and throwing out Republican votes, false counting was resorted to in most of the Southern States, until the phrase, "a free vote and a fair count" became a mockery.

Congressional investigations had disclosed these various methods of defeating the popular will, and in consequence of these disclosures President Grant had recognized and sustained Republican State Governments which the Democrats had sought to overthrow. It was on this account alone that it became possible for Louisiana and South Carolina to cast their Electoral votes for Hayes, or, in fact, to make a showing at all for the Republican tickets. This policy was abandoned by President Hayes, much to the disappointment of Republicans in Congress and throughout the country. The same votes that chose Hayes electors in Louisiana fairly elected Stephen B. Packard Governor; and the same votes that gave him a majority in South Carolina, also gave Daniel H. Chamberlain a majority for Governor of that

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