FROM Some occult cause or another, the Easter recess of 1889 exercised a most salutary influence upon "her Majesty's Opposition." It is not for us to decide whether the greater probability lies in the supposition that they had begun to discover that obstructive tactics did not add to the popularity of those who indulge in these practices, or in the more charitable belief that they had awakened to the consciousness that such tactics are inconsistent with the dignity of the House of Commons and the character of its members. At any rate, the result of the reflections and counsels of the recess were speedily apparent in the altered and improved behaviour of the Gladstonian cohorts. A "change came. o'er the spirit of their dream;" the angry threats of refusing money and preventing the progress of business were no longer heard, or heard only from obscure and unimportant quarters; and it soon became a hopeful probability that the session, while not unduly protracted, would bear a fair comparison with past sessions in the matter of practical legislation.

As regards that part of the Government programme which related to the question of the National Defences, it had already been discovered that the country was in no humour to listen to the penny-wise-and-pound-foolish school of shallow economists, and the responsible leaders of the Opposition wisely forbore to connect themselves with an unpopular and unpatriotic resistance to a policy which plainly recommended itself to the good sense of the nation. If the legislative proposals of the Government under

this head had been their only successful attempt at legislation, the session of 1889 would have been one upon which the country as well as the Ministers might have been congratulated. But the same session has seen the Scotch Local Government and the Scotch Universities Bills passed into law, by the first of which the constitution of Scotland has been largely and wisely extended upon representative municipal lines; whilst in the second, a vastly important question has been dealt with and settled in such a manner and in such a spirit as to show that Scotland at least has no right to complain that her national feelings are ignored, or her local sentiments slighted, in the Parliament at Westminster.

It is impossible to quit this subject without remarking upon the two principal features which characterised the debates upon these great Scotch measures,-first, the conspicuous ability and tact with which the Lord Advocate treated every question which arose; and secondly, the sincere desire evinced by the Government to discover the real state of Scotch feeling upon every disputed point, and their readiness to concede to that feeling wherever such concession could be fairly and reasonably demanded. With regard to both measures, the Lord Advocate displayed that perfect knowledge of the subject which enabled him to deal successfully alike with friendly criticisms and hostile amendments; and his position in the House, already assured, must have been greatly improved and strengthened by his conciliatory demeanour and skilful conduct of the debates. It must

be admitted that both bills were amply and thoroughly discussed, and that the fullest opportunity was given for the ventilation of every idea and every crotchet which the ingenuity of man could suggest or devise. It was clearly recognised and admitted from the first, that Scotch representatives had a right to discuss at length measures so vitally affecting the interests of Scotland; and it is satisfactory to consider that no one can impute to the Government that they in any way attempted to stifle or shorten that legitimate discussion, from which it may be hoped that these important measures have been passed into law in a shape whith will be satisfactory to Scotland as wise and safe improvements in her constitution.

Nor has Ireland been overlooked or neglected in the consideration of Scottish and Imperial measures. The "Light Railways" and "Drainage" Bills introduced by the Irish Government had for their object the development of local resources and the extension of local enterprise. That such measures should not have received a warm welcome and a cordial support from the so-called Nationalist party, is a significant comment upon the principles which inspire the general policy and prompt the legislative action of that section of politicians. If it were really the desire of these gentlemen to improve the position of their fellow-countrymen, to advance the prosperity of their country, and attract to Ireland that capital and enterprise which have been frightened from her by the unsettled condition of affairs consequent upon the unlawful combinations and mischievous societies which have so long cursed her existence, there could have been no doubt as to their grateful and

eager reception of the Government proposals. These could hardly have failed to confer immense benefit upon the fisheries of Ireland, as well as upon her more remote agriculturral districts, by bringing the produce of both nearer to good markets, and thereby securing for it a more profitable price. The obstruction and opposition to these proposals which has proceeded from many of the Parnellites can only tend to corroborate the assertions which have been made by their opponents-namely, that they find it more to their political advantage to keep their countrymen discontented, than to promote that welldoing which, bringing contentment in its train, would reconcile them to that British rule which is in reality their best friend, but their reconciliation to which would take away and destroy the trade of pseudo-patriots and political agitators.

Be the truth what it may, it will be noted by Irishmen who really love their country that those who specially arrogate to themselves the title of Nationalists have done their utmost to thwart and resist the Government in their attempts to confer material benefit upon Ireland. Some of them, indeed, have found it impossible to give their votes against measures so unquestionably calculated to advance the interests of their constituents; but even in some of these cases their support has been rendered in the most grudging spirit, and after the most ungracious fashion, and they have not been ashamed to profess and parade their ingratitude to the givers of the British money which they accept without a scruple of remorse for such unseemly conduct. Gratitude, however, is scarcely to be expected from a party which has been taught to

believe that the action of Great Britain towards Ireland has been invariably prompted by feelings of hostility, and which can see nothing but bribery in acts of beneficent legislation - nothing but tyranny in the enforcing of the ordinary laws which bind together and protect a civilised community. These "patriots" and the English Radicals have done their utmost to thwart the Government in their beneficent legislation, and their partial success is much to be deplored.

The Drainage Bills introduced by Mr Balfour were measures of a similar character to the Light Railways Bill that is to say, bills of a strictly non-contentious nature, and for the opposition to which there was no possible excuse. Several of these, however, had to be abandoned, owing to the pertinacious opposition which they encountered. It would seem that a section of Nationalists and Radicals have so bespattered the Government with abuse, and have represented them so constantly' and bitterly as the enemies of Ireland, and their policy as one of coercion only, that they cannot afford the truth to be known. That truth must sooner or later be fully understood-namely, that the Unionist Government would never have resorted to coercion at all, if the influence of wicked men had not driven them to coercive action, in order to maintain the supremacy of the law which that influence had been employed, to subvert. With this truth, moreover, coines another of no less importance-namely, that the natural policy of the Government, when once that supremacy of the law has been established, is not of a coercive but a conciliatory and beneficent character, and that from

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them Ireland may expect more substantial good and more useful legislative aid than from those who would trample law and order under foot, and tempt the tenantry and peasantry of Ireland into paths of lawlessness and sedition which can only lead to their impoverishment and ruin. If the Government had received ordinary fair-play, their remedial measures for Ireland would easily have been carried. It is satisfactory to have to relate the success of the Light Railways Bill, in spite of all obstacles; and it is worth while to call attention to some of the incidents of its passage, as throwing a vivid light upon the conduct of some of those men who monopolise so much of the time of Parliament, and are for ever seeking to pose as the special champions of the people. This bill was referred to a Grand Committee; and no sooner did it come on for discussion than Mr Storey, Mr E. Robertson (member for Dundee), Mr Biggar, and two or three other Gladstonian members commenced the policy of obstruction. Messrs Biggar and Storey (par nobile fratrum/) began by objecting to the name of the bill, and took a division thereupon. Then Mr Storey, who had obiected altogether to the measure, upon the specific ground that it would give the money of the British taxpayer to local undertakings in Ireland, gave evidence at once of his consistency and the sincerity of his economical professions by proposing to extend the bill to Scotland and England, and took another division upon this point. Although they found themselves in so decided a minority as should have prompted them in common decency to have abated the violence of their opposition, these diffident legislators took twentyfive divisions upon the first page

of the bill, and attempted to stop its progress by every device in their power. The chairman, Mr Salt (whose fairness and judgment will be admitted by all who know him), having ruled many of their amendments out of order, they appealed to the Speaker against his ruling, left the Committee in high dudgeon because they could not have everything their own way, and when the bill came back to the House, strove again to delay and defeat it by moving for its recommittal to the Committee. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, however, in a clear and forcible speech, exposed their conduct in Committee, and defended the course taken by the chairman, which, he truly said, "would be approved by every member who believed that the forms of procedure were intended to be used and not abused." Still not one whit abashed, these champions of factious obstruction continued their opposition to every clause of the bill, put the House to the trouble of a dozen or more divisions (though each time left in a miserable minority), moved many amendments, some in order and some promptly overruled as contrary to order, and only yielded when it had been made evident that the majority of the House did not intend to be either bullied or wearied into submission. Some of those Irish members who may not inaptly be termed the "patentees of obstruction were upon this occasion opposed to the obstructionists, who were endeavouring to stop the passage of British money to Irish objects. These gentlemen were placed in a somewhat awkward position, and being unable to bring themselves to praise the Government whose measure they were bound to support, relieved themselves by at

tacking the Storey-Biggar section of Radicals, who, were employing against them their own tactics of obstruction. The exchange of courtesies between these two sections of "Liberals below the gangway" was infinitely amusing, and must have afforded some satisfaction to the Government, especially when the conflict terminated in the triumphant passage of their bill. It is to be hoped that Dundee and Sunderland will mark and resent the factious conduct of their representatives, and their contemptuous disregard, both in the Grand Committee and the House, of the fundamental Liberal doctrine that a minority should yield to the definitely expressed opinion of the majority.

Although obstruction had epparently been abandoned after the Easter recess, the loquacity which is the curse of a representative assembly was indulged in sufficiently to compel the relinquishment of several Government measures besides those relating to Irish drainage, and notably, England has to wait for the completion of her Local Government system, by the formation of district councils, and the further delegation of powers to those county councils which are doubtless destined eventually to absorb many duties the performance of which is at present left in other hands.

The principal proposals of the Government having been successfully carried through Parliament, it was hoped and expected that the ardour of our legislators, and the improved conduct of the House of Commons, would have been rewarded by an earlier prorogation than has recently been the case. This pleasant prospect, however, became overshadowed when almost within reach of attainment. The postponement of the Irish esti