moved, in the HOUSE of LORDS, by armies triumphant. It was a grand and magnificent triumph for England to make a peace, when her navies and armies were every where conquerors from the frozen seas of the North to the pillars of Hercules; and from Africa to the remotest shores of Asia and America. When the unexampled achieve had rescued Egypt from its invaders, were made only to restore it to its rightful owner, and the triumphs of our armies were only accessary to that spirit of modera tion, which dictated our appeal to arms. His lordship, after paying the highest tribute of praise to our commanders in Egypt, observed, that when the peace was made it was evident that the integrity of Europe could not be preserved; had it been possible to preserve it, it would have been effected by the power of Great Britain, Lord Bolton, who said he should not enter into any detail of the preliminaries, as the papers were not then before the house; but he could not avoid pointing their lordships attention to the sentiments of paternal atlection expressed by his majesty, in announcing the adjustments of that band of heroes, who ment of the differences with the Northern Powers, and the signing of the preliminaries. As for peace itself, it had been so strongly felt to be desirable, that men did not allow themselves time to doubt of its being advantageous, but gave free and unbounded indulgence to their joy: the leading articles of the peace were universally known and approved of, but no circumstance attending it appeared to him more worthy of consideration than the fitness of the time at wlrich his majesty's ministers had concluded the preliminaries of the peace. They had not done it at a time when a deficiency of supplies was felt; No, he saw with pride and satisfaction that ministers had chosen a time for making peace when our resources were in full vigour, and when the nation had displayed its awient character, by the manly and determined posture of defence to which it had voluntarily put itself when threatened by invasion. He admired also the fitness of the time for concluding peace, because it was not at a time when we had any ting to fear for our security, when our arms had been unsuccessful, our strength exhausted, or our spirits broken. On the contrary, the peace was concluded at the moment the most auspicious to the British character, when our rcources were unimpaired, and our Si Pergama dextrâ Defendi possint, etiam hac defensa fuissent. His lordship concluded by moving an address which, as usual, was an echo of the speech. Lord Lifford seconded the address, and compared the situation in which the country then stood, with that alarming situation in which it was at the time parliament was convened in the preceding year: when the war assumed a new terror fromx the menaced interference of the Northern Powers; while we had the gigantic force of France to contend with nearer home, and the fate of Egypt still hung in suspense. Such was then our situation with respect to foreign powers. Our domestic situation was still more melancholy: the sovereign B 2 was was affiicted by a severe indisposition, our administration divided among themselves, government for a time inefficient, and the people threatened with the horrors of an immediate famine, and the country also menaced with invasion, and this invasion calculating as means of success on the disloyalty of numbers of his majesty's subjects. At present all that alarm had disappeared, and we had the pleasure to behold our beloved sovereign in the full enjoyment of his health, exercising the best and most amiable of his privileges, announcing the return of peace, and all its blessings, to the people. The blessing of God had dissipated, by the last abundant harvest, all danger of famine; and the nation, after a long and glorious struggle, might prepare to taste the blessings of peace. The duke of Bedford, in a short speech, expressed his concurrence with the address. He, however, differed from the noble mover in one sentiment; he could not agree that this was precisely the fittest time to make peace, he thought it could have been more fitly made at a more early period. The address was then agreed to, nemine dissentiente. In the COMMONS, the same day, the address was moved by Lord Lovain, who hoped, that as the event which his majesty's speech had announced had been approved of by the great majority of the nation, so the address which he should have the honour of proposing, would be generally, if not universally, approved of in that house. His lordship recapitulated the various subjects of national exultation. A peace, gained by vic tories never surpassed in the annals of this country, and secured by moderation; a plentiful harvest dispelling every fear of famine; and an event no less glorious than the peace with France, no less advantageous to the interests of this country, the arrangement of the disputes with the Northern Powers. After expatiating at considerable length on those topics, his lordship concluded, by moving an address similar to that which was proposed in the other house. Colonel Woodhouse seconded this address. Mr. Fox then rose to express his most sincere and cordial concurrence in the address, and his approbation of the peace which had been at length obtained. This was an event on which he could not suppress his joy and exultation : an event in which the people of England had the greatest cause to rejoice and exult. At present he should not trespass further upon the attention of the house, than to offer this short but sincere expression of his sentiment on the event, and to declare his assent to the address. Mr. Pitt rose also to express his satisfaction on the event which had been announced in his majesty's speech; for the present, he should forbear any observations upon the subject of the preliminaries, but when he came to express his motives for rejoicing in the attainment of peace, possibly they would be found very different from those of the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox) who spoke last. Whatever opinion he might entertain as to certain of the preliminary articles, he approved generally of the outline. We owed this event to the gallantry of our fleets and armies, and that good conduct in the people of England, which he had. ever considered as our best security; and events had proved, that as long as the people of England were true to themselves, and their representatives true to their interests, they had nothing to fear from external foes. Mr. Windham said, that if this address was to pledge the house to approve of the preliminaries specifically, he could not support it; but as it gave no such pledge, he should support the address, but at the same time give a general outline of the reasons for which he differed from the sentiments which other gentlemen had expressed about the peace. He could not avoid differing, on this occasion, from his right honourable friend (Mr. Pitt), from whom to differ he always considered a misfortune. He was aware, that to stand as a solitary mourner in the midst of general exultation, to wear a countenance clouded with sadness, while all others are lighted up with joy, was at once unfortunate and uagracious. He could not avoid, upon this occasion, differing from those gentlemen (Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox), who had so often heretofore differed on every subject of the war, though now they coincided in approbation of the peace. It struck him, however, in a different point of view, and he must ask, Were the circumstances of the peace the subject of joy and exultation? When he was called upon to put on his wedding suit he must inquire whether it was a marriage or a funeral he was called to celebrate? When he was desired to illuminate, he must learn whether it was to light him to a feast or a sepulchre? He must most solemnly pronounce, that it was his firm persuasion, that ministers, in signing this peace, had signed the death-warrant of the country. The only thing which France wanted to enable her to divide with this country the empire of the seas was, such a participation of commerce as to enable her to extend her navy; this participation they had now ob-. tained. He should not, however, find fault with ministers, if they could show that such a peace was a safe one, if they could show that there was an absolute necessity for it. Such a necessity, however, he did not perceive. These topics would, however, be more fully discussed at a future day. The chancellor of the exchequer (Mr. Addington), declined going into the discussion of the preliminaries, as they were not fow be-, fore the house; his right honourable friend (Mr. Windham), who professed also to feel the impropriety of entering into such "discussion at present, had, however, advanced opinions and suggestions, which he could not permit to pass uncontradicted. He must answer, that it was not by the extension of our territories by conquest, but by preserving our constitution, and defending our own possessions, that we would possess the best securities for our rights, and for the extension of our commerce. He had conceived that his right honourable friend would be the last to depreciate the finances of the country and its resources; he was therefore surprised to hear him suggest that the accedence to the treaty on the part of England, was the effect of necessity, and from want of means to continue the contest; he disclaimed the motive so assigned; he disclaimed being party to any such plea. He must publicly declare, that had it been found necessary to continue the contest, no deficiency whatever would have been found in the finances and resources of the country. He concluded by anticipating the unanimity of the house on the motion for the address. Mr. Sheridan admitted the propriety of abstaining from discussion of the merits of the treaty, and as he saw no great objection to the address as it now stands, he felt no wish to disturb the unanimity of the house. He approved of the address the more for not being an exact echo of the speech, as the speech contained distinctions and characters of the peace which he could by no means admit that it deserved. As to the unanimity, however, with which this address was likely to pass, he believed, if the time was come for gentlemen to speak their real sentiments, there never was a period of less unanimity. The right honourable gentleman has spoken of the peace in terms in which he could by no means agree. He dif fered from him when he charac terized the peace as glorious and honourable. He differed still more from those who conceived it to be inexpedient to make peace at all. He considered this as a peace involving a degradation of the national dignity, which no truly English heart could behold with indifference; such, a peace as the war had a necessary tendency to lead to. The war, he considered as one of the worst wars in which the country had been engaged; and the peace as good a one as any man could make in the circumstances in which the country was placed. CHA P. II. Copies of the Convention with Russia laid before the House of Lords-and Commons-Motion by Mr. Grey for Papers-by Mr. Whitbread on the second Article of the Preliminaries.-Inquiry by Lord Grenville on the Subject of Portugal. Address to the King moved for in the Lords on the Peace. Debate. - Speeches of Lords Romney-Limerick-SpencerDuke of Clarence - Pelham-Grenville-Chancellor-Moira-Mulgrave -Duke of Belford - Fitzwilliam-St. Vincent-Nelson-The Marquis of Buckingham-Carnarvon-Hobart.-Division.- Address carried. N Friday the 30th of October, stances, in which so much had been O up any the emperor of Russia, and of the preliminary articles of peace with France, were presented to the house of lords by lord Pelham; and to the house of commons by lord Hawkesbury. In the house of lords, lord Grenville rose to move for copies of all treaties and conventions made within the last year by France with any of the powers which were allies of his majesty: the object for which he moved those papers was to explain that article of the preliminaries which respected the integrity of Portugal, inasmuch as by one treaty Portugal had ceded a province to Spain, and by another a still greater proportion of its territory to France: he wished then much to know what was this integrity of Portugal which was guarantied by the preliminaries, or what claim the government had to the praise of fidelity in securing the possessions of our allies. For his part, he was of opinion that there never was a transaction of any kind in the history of our country, at any period, or under any circum such unlimited concession made, so much disgrace incurred, and the na tion placed in such awful circumstances of impending peril. He hoped, however, that his noble friend would, by an express declaration, render the motion unnecessary. Lord Pelham regretted extremely that the noble lord should think it necessary to oppose the measures of his majesty's ministers on so important a point. With respest to the production of these papers, he ob served, that while matters stood in negotiation between this country and France, such papers could not be laid upon the table, without considerably embarrassing his majesty's servants, and endangering the public interests. Lord Grenville said he did not mean to embarrass his majesty's ministers, nor oppose their measures, unless in matters of such import as left him no option. On the contrary, he was ready to give them all the assistance and support he could, provided they would act with more firmness and vigour in maintaining |