and important affairs to digest at Dublin, will yet engage yourself personally into Ophalie, being our lieutenant, when you have there so many inferiors able, might victual a fort, or seek revenge against those who have lately prospered against our forces. And when we call to mind how far the sun hath run his course, and what dependeth upon the timely plantation of garrisons in the north, and how great scandal it would be to our honour to leave that proud rebel unassayed, when we have with so great an expectation of our enemies engaged ourselves so far in the action; so that, without that be done, all those former courses will prove like via navis in mari; besides that our power, which hitherto hath been dreaded by potent enemies, will now even be held contemptible amongst our rebels; we must plainly charge you, according to the duty you owe to us, so to unite soundness of judgment to the zeal you have to do us service, as with all speed to pass thither in such sort, as the axe might be put to the root of that tree, which hath been the treasonable stock from whom so many poisoned plants and grafts have been derived; by which proceedings of yours, we may neither have cause to repent of our employment of yourself for omitting those opportunities to shorten the wars, nor receive in the eye of the world imputation of so much weakness in ourself, to begin a work without better foresight what would be the end of our excessive charge, the adventure of our people's lives, and the holding up of our own greatness against a wretch, whom we have raised from the dust, and who could never prosper, if the charges we have been put to were orderly employed." Her Majesty to my lord of Essex. 30th July. Her Majesty in her particular letter written to my lord the 30th of July, bindeth still expressly upon the northern prosecution, my lord ad principalia rerum, in these words: "First, you know right well when we yielded to this excessive charge, it was upon no other foundation than to which yourself did ever advise us as much as any, which was, to assail the northern traitor, and to plant garrisons in his country; it being ever your firm opinion, amongst other our council, to conclude that all that was done in other kind in Ireland, was but waste and consumption." Her Majesty in her letter of the 9th of August to my lord of Essex and the council of Ireland, when, after Munster journey, they began in a new time to dissuade the northern journey in her excellent ear, quickly finding a discord of men from themselves, chargeth them in these words. The lords of the council to my lord and "We cannot deny but we did ground our counsels upon this foundation. That there should have been a prose- the council cution of the capital rebels in the north, of Ireland, 10th August. whereby the war might have been shortened; which resolution, as it was advised by yourself before your going, and assented to by most part of the council of war that were called to the question, so must we confess to your lordship, that we have all this while concurred with her Majesty in the same desire and expectation." My lord of Essex, and the council of Ireland, in their letter of the 5th of May to the lords of the council before the Munster journey, write in hæc verba. "Moreover in your lordships' great My lord of wisdom, you will likewise judge what Essex and the pride the rebels will grow to, what advantage the foreign enemy may take, and what loss her Majesty shall receive, if this summer the arch-traitor be not assailed, and garrisons planted upon him." council of Ireland to the lords, 5th May. My lord of Essex, in his particular letter of the 11th of July, to the lords of the council, after Munster journey, writeth thus : The earl to the lords, 11th July. "As fast as I can call these troops together, I will go look upon yonder proud rebel, and if I find him on hard ground, and in an open country, though I should find him in horse and foot three for one, yet will I by God's grace dislodge him, or put the council to the trouble of," &c. The earl of Essex, in his letter of the 14th of August to the lords of the council, writeth out of great affection, as it seemeth, in these words: 14th August. "Yet must these rebels be assailed The earl to in the height of their pride, and our the lords, base clowns must be taught to fight again; else will her Majesty's honour never be recovered, nor our nation valued, nor this kingdom reduced." Besides it was noted, that whereas my lord and the council of Ireland had, by theirs of the 15th of July, desired an increase of 2000 Irish purposely for the better setting on foot of the northern service; her Majesty, notwithstanding her proportions, by often gradations and risings, had been raised to the highest elevation, yet was pleased to yield unto it. 1. The first part concerneth my lord's ingress into his charge, and that which passed here before his going hence; now followeth an order, both of time and matter, what was done after my lord was gone into Ireland, and had taken upon him the government by her Majesty's commission. 2. The second part then of the first article was to show, that my lord did wilfully and contemptuously, in this great point of estate, violate and infringe her Majesty's direction before remembered. That my lord did wil. fully and contemptu ously violate her Majesty's direction touching the north In delivering of the evidence and prosecution. proofs of this part, it was laid down for a foundation, that there was a full performance on her Majesty's part of all the points agreed upon for this great the estate of the affairs themselves, against the prosecution upon Tyrone, but only culpable impediments raised by the journey of Munster. The earl of Essex and of Ireland to This appeared by a letter from my lord and the council of Ireland to the lords of the council here, dated the 28th the council of April, whereby they advertise, that the lords of the prosecution of Ulster, in regard of the council, 28th April. lack of grass and forage, and the poorness of cattle at that time of year, and such like difficulties of the season, and not of the matter, will in better time, and with better commodity for the army, be fully executed about the middle of June or begin. ning of July; and signify, that the earl intended a present prosecution should be set on foot in Lemster; to which letters the lords make answer by theirs of the 8th of May, signifying her Majesty's toleration of the delay. A DECLARATION OF THE PRACTICES AND TREASONS ATTEMPTED AND COMMITTED BY ROBERT LATE EARL OF ESSEX AND HIS COMPLICES, AGAINST HER MAJESTY AND HER KINGDOMS; AND OF THE PROCEEDINGS AS WELL AT THE ARRAIGNMENTS AND CONVICTIONS OF THE SAID LATE EARL, AND IMPRINTED ANNO 1601.* THOUGH public justice passed upon capital offend- | lections and relations of the proceedings at the ers, according to the laws, and in course of an honourable and ordinary trial, where the case would have borne and required the severity of martial law to have been speedily used, do in itself carry a sufficient satisfaction towards all men, specially in a merciful government, such as her Majesty's is approved to be yet because there do pass abroad in the hands of many men divers false and corrupt col * Our author has abundantly vouched this DECLARATION &c. to be penned by himself in the following passage of his Apology: "It is very true also, about that time, her Majesty taking a liking of my pen, upon that which I had formerly done concerning the proceeding at York-House, and likewise upon some other DECLARATIONS, which in former times by her appointment I put in writing, commanded me to pen that book, which was published for the better satisfaction of the world; which I did, but so, as never secretary had more particular and express directions and instructions in every point how to guide my hand in it; and not only so, but after I had made a first draught thereof, and propounded it to certain principal counsellors by her Majesty's appointment, it was perused, weighed, censured, altered, and made almost a new arraignment of the late earls of Essex and Southampton; and, again, because it is requisite that the world do understand as well the precedent practices and inducements to the treasons, as the open and actual treasons themselves, though in a case of life it was not thought convenient to insist at the trial upon matter of inference or presumption, but chiefly upon matter of plain and direct proofs; therefore it hath writing, according to their lordships' better consideration; wherein their lordships and myself both were as religious and curious of truth, as desirous of satisfaction: and myself indeed gave only words and form of style in pursuing their direction. And after it had passed their allowance, it was again exactly perused by the queen herself, and some alterations made again by her appointment: nay, and after it was set to print, the queen, who, as your lordship knoweth, as she was excellent in great matters, so she was exquisite in small; and noted that I could not forget my ancient respect to my lord of Essex, in terming him ever my lord of Essex, my lord of Essex," almost in every page of the book; which she thought not fit, but would have it made "Essex," or "the late earl of Essex;" whereupon, of force, it was printed de novo, and the first copies suppressed by her peremptory commandment." been thought fit to publish to the world a brief declaration of the practices and treasons attempted and committed by Robert late earl of Essex and his complices against her Majesty and her kingdoms, and of the proceedings at the convictions of the said late earl and his adherents upon the same treasons: and not so only, but therewithal for the better warranting and verifying of the narration, to set down in the end the very confessions and testimonies themselves word for word, taken out of the originals, whereby it will be most manifest that nothing is obscured or disguised, though it do appear by divers most wicked and seditious libels thrown abroad, that the dregs of these treasons which the late earl of Essex himself, a little before his death, did term a leprosy, that had infected far and near, do yet remain in the hearts and tongues of some misaffected persons. The most partial will not deny, but that Robert late earl of Essex was, by her Majesty's manifold benefits and graces, besides oath and allegiance, as much tied to her Majesty, as the subject could be to the sovereign; her Majesty having heaped upon him both dignities, offices, and gifts, in such measure, as within the circle of twelve years or more, there was scarcely a year of rest, in which he did not obtain at her Majesty's hands some notable addition either of honour or profit. But he on the other side making these her Majesty's favours nothing else but wings for his ambition, and looking upon them not as her benefits, but as his advantages, supposing that to be his own metal which was but her mark and impression, was 80 given over by God, who often punisheth ingratitude by ambition, and ambition by treason, and treason by final ruin, as he had long ago plotted it in his heart to become a dangerous supplanter of that seat whereof he ought to have been a principal supporter; in such sort as now every man of common sense may discern not only his last actual and open treasons, but also his former more secret practices and preparations towards those his treasons, and that without any gloss or interpreter, but himself and his own doings. For first of all, the world can now expound why it was that he did aspire, and had almost attained unto a greatness, like unto the ancient greatness of the præfectus prætorio under the emperors of Rome, to have all men of war to make their sole and particular dependence upon him; that with such jealousy and watchfulness he sought to discountenance any one that might be a competitor to him in any part of that greatness, that with great violence and bitterness he sought to suppress and keep down all the worthiest martial men, which did not appropriate their respects and acknowledgments only towards himself. All which did manifestly detect and distinguish, that it was not the reputation of a famous leader in the wars which he sought, as it was construed a great while, but only power and greatness to serve his own ends, considering he never loved virtue nor valour in another, but where he thought he should be proprietary and commander of it, as referred to himself. So likewise those points of popularity which every man took notice and note of, as his affable gestures, open doors, making his table and his bed so popularly places of audience to suitors, denying nothing when he did nothing, feeding many men in their discontentments against the queen and the state, and the like; as they were ever since Absalom's time the forerunners of treasons following, so in him were they either the qualities of a nature disposed to disloyalty, or the beginnings and conceptions of that which afterwards grew to shape and form. But as it were a vain thing to think to search the roots and first motions of treasons, which are known to none but God that discerns the heart, and the devil that gives the instigation; so it is more than to be presumed, being made apparent by the evidence of all the events following, that he carried into Ireland a heart corrupted in his allegiance, and pregnant of those or the like treasons which afterwards came to light. For being a man by nature of a high imagination, and a great promiser to himself as well as to others, he was confident that if he were once the first person in a kingdom, and a sea between the queen's seat and his, and Wales the nearest land from Ireland, and that he had got the flower of the English forces into his hands, which he thought so to intermix with his own followers, as the whole body should move by his spirit, and if he might have also absolutely into his own hands, " potestatem vitæ et necis, et arbitrium belli et pacis," over the rebels of Ireland, whereby he might entice and make them his own, first by pardons and conditions, and after by hopes to bring them in place where they should serve for hope of better booties than cows, he should be able to make that place of lieutenancy of Ireland as a rise or step to ascend to his desired greatness in England. And although many of these conceits were windy, yet neither were they the less like to his; neither are they now only probable conjectures or comments upon these his last treasons, but the very preludes of actions almost immediately subsequent, as shall be touched in due place. But first, it was strange with what appetite and thirst he did affect and compass the government of Ireland, which he did obtain. For although he made some formal shows to put it from him; yet in this, as in most things else, his desires being too strong for his dissimulations, he did so far pass the bounds of decorum, as he did in effect name himself to the queen by such description and such particularities as could not be applied to any other but himself; neither did he so only, but farther, he was still at hand to offer and urge vehemently and peremptorily exceptions to any other that was named. Then after he once found that there was no man but himself, who had other matters in his head, so far in love with that charge, as to make any competition or opposition to his pursuit, whereby he saw it would fall upon him, and especially after himself was resolved upon; he began to make propositions to her Majesty by way of taxation of the former course held in managing the actions of Ireland, especially upon three points; the first, that the pro to the destruction of the king's person, it might breed a buzz in the rebels' heads, and so discourage them from coming in: whereas he knew well that in all experience passed, there was never rebel made any doubt or scruple upon that point to accept of pardon from all former governors, who had their commissions penned with that limitation, their com missions being things not kept secretly in a box, but published and recorded: so as it appeared manifestly that it was a mere device of his own out of the secret reaches of his heart then not revealed; but it may be shrewdly expounded since, what his drift was, by those pardons which he granted to Blunt the marshal, and Thomas Lee, and others, that his care was no less to secure his own instruments than the rebels of Ireland. portions of forces which had been there maintained | his own ambition,) all treasons of rebellion did tend and continued by supplies, were not sufficient to bring the prosecutions there to period. The second, that the axe had not been put to the root of the tree, in regard there had not been made a main prosecution upon the arch-traitor Tyrone in his own strength, within the province of Ulster. The third, that the prosecutions before time had been intermixed and interrupted with too many temporizing treaties, whereby the rebel did ever gather strength and reputation to renew the war with advantage. All which goodly and well-sounding discourses, together with the great vaunts, that he would make the earth tremble before him, tended but to this, that the queen should increase the list of her army, and all proportions of treasure and other furniture, to the end his commandment might be the greater. For that he never intended any such prosecution, may appear by this, that even at the time before his going into Ireland, he did open himself so far in speech to Blunt, his inwardest counof Blunt. 3. sellor, "That he did assure himself that many of the rebels in Ireland would be advised by him :" so far was he from intending any prosecution towards those in whom he took himself to have interest. But his ends were two; the one, to get great forces into his hands; the other, to oblige the heads of the rebellion unto him, and to make them of his party. These two ends had in themselves a repugnancy; for the one imported prosecution, and the other treaty: but he that meant to be too strong to be called to account for any thing, and meant besides, when he was once in Ireland, to engage himself in other journeys that should hinder the prosecution in the north, took things in order as they made for him: and so first did nothing, as was said, but trumpet a final and utter prosecution against Tyrone in the north, to the end to have his forces augmented. The confession But yet he forgat not his other purpose of making himself strong by a party amongst the rebels, when it came to the scanning of the clauses of his commission. For then he did insist, and that with a kind of contestation, that the pardoning, no not of Tyrone himself, the capital rebel, should be excepted and reserved to her Majesty's immediate grace: being infinitely desirous that Tyrone should not look beyond him for his life or pardon, but should hold his fortune as of him, and account for it to him only. So again, whereas in the commission of the earl of Sussex, and of all other lieutenants or deputies, there was ever in that clause, which giveth unto the lieutenant or deputy that high or regal point of authority to pardon treasons and traitors, an exception contained of such cases of treason as are committed against the person of the king; it was strange, and suspiciously strange even at that time, with what importunity and instance he did labour, and in the end prevailed to have that exception also omitted, glossing then, that because he had heard that by strict exposition of law, (a point in law that he would needs forget at his arraignment, but could take knowledge of it before, when it was to serve Yet was there another point for which he did contend and contest, which was, that he might not be tied to any opinion of the council of Ireland, as all others in certain points, as pardoning traitors, concluding war and peace, and some other principal articles, had been before him; to the end he might be absolute of himself, and be fully master of op portunities and occasions for the performing and executing of his own treasonable ends. But after he had once, by her Majesty's singular trust and favour toward him, obtained his patent of commission as large, and his list of forces as full as he desired, there was an end in his course of the prosecution in the north. For being arrived into Ireland, the whole carriage of his actions there was nothing else but a cunning defeating of that journey, with an intent, as appeared, in the end of the year, to pleasure and gratify the rebel with a dishonourable peace, and to contract with him for his own greatness. Therefore not long after he had received the sword, he did voluntarily engage himself in an unseasonable and fruitless journey into Munster, a journey never propounded in the council there, never advertised over hither while it was past: by which journey her Majesty's forces, which were to be preserved entire both in vigour and number for the great prosecution, were harassed and tired with long marches together, and the northern prosecu tion was indeed quite dashed and made impossible. But yet still doubting he might receive from her Majesty some quick and express commandment to proceed; to be sure he pursued his former device of wrapping himself in other actions, and so set him self on work anew in the county of Ophaley, being resolved, as is manifest, to dally out the season, and never to have gone that journey at all: that setting forward which he made in the very end of August being but a mere play and a mockery, and for the purposes which now shall be declared. After he perceived that four months of the summer, and three parts of the army were wasted, he thought now was a time to set on foot such a peace as might be for the rebels' advantage, and so to work a mutual obligation between Tyrone and himself; for which purpose he did but seek a commodity. He had there with him in his army one Thomas Lec, a man of a seditious and working spirit, and one that had been privately familiar and entirely beloved of Tyrone, and one that afterwards, immediately upon Essex's open rebellion, was apprehended for a desperate attempt of violence against her Majesty's person; which he plainly confessed, and for which he suffered. Wherefore judging him to be a fit instrument, he made some signification to Lee of such an employment, which was no sooner signified than apprehended by Lee. He gave order also to Sir Christopher Blunt, marshal of his army, to license Lee to go to Tyrone, when he should require it. But Lee thought good to let slip first unto Tyrone, which was nevertheless by the marshal's warrant, one James Knowd, a person of wit and sufficiency, to sound in what terms and humours Tyrone then was. This Knowd returned a message from Tyrone to Lee, which was, "That if the earl of Essex would follow Tyrone's plot, he would make the earl of Essex the greatest man that ever was in England: and farther, that if the earl would have conference with him, Tyrone would deliver his eldest son in pledge for his assurance." This message was delivered by Knowd to Lee, and by Lee was imparted to the earl of Essex, who after this message employed Lee himself to Tyrone, and by his negotiating, whatsoever passed else, prepared and disposed Tyrone to the parley. The confesson of Thowas Lee. Ju the conTsion of B.unt at the bar, he did there declare that be bad vex his particular warrant to end Lee, and afterWard's was desired by EFI to Take it upon lumself, and that they both bad pardons knowing how unfit it was for him to communicate with any English, even of those whom he trusted most, and meant to use in other treasons, that he had an intention to grow to an agreement with Tyrone, to have succours from him for the usurping upon the state here; (not because it was more dangerous than the rest of his treasons, but because it was more odious, and in a kind monstrous, that he should conspire with such a rebel, against whom he was sent; and therefore might adventure to alienate men's affections from him;) he drave it to this, that there might be, and so there was, under colour of treaty, an interview and private conference between Tyrone and himself only, no third person admitted. A strange course, considering with whom he dealt, and especially considering what message Knowd had brought, which should have made him rather call witnesses to him than avoid witnesses. But he being only true to his own ends, easily dispensed with all such considerations. Nay, there was such careful order taken, that no person should overhear one word that passed between them two, as, because the place appointed and used for the parley was such, as there was the depth of a brook between them, which made them speak with some loudness, there were certain horsemen appointed by order from Essex, to keep all men off a great distance from the place. It is true, that the secrecy of that parley, as it gave to him the more liberty of treason, so it may give any man the more liberty of surmise, what was then handled between them, inasmuch as nothing can be known, but by report from one of them two, either Essex or Tyrone. But although there were no proceedings against Essex upon these treasons, and that it were a needless thing to load more treasons upon him then, whose burden was so great after; yet, for truth's sake, it is fit the world know what is testified touching the speeches, letters, and reports of Tyrone, immediately following this conference, and observe also what ensued likewise in the designs of Essex himself. And this employment of Lee was a matter of that guiltiness in my lord, as, being charged with it at my lord keeper's only in this nature, for the message of Knowd was not then known, that when he pretended to assail Tyrone, he had before underhand agreed upon a parley, my lord utterly denied it that he ever employed Lee to Tyrone at all, and turned it upon Blunt, whom he afterwards required to take it upon him, having before sufficiently provided for the security of all parts, for he had granted both to Blunt and Lee pardons of all treasons under the great seal of Ireland, and so, himself disclaiming it, On Tyrone's part it fell out, that the very day and they being pardoned, all was safe. after that Essex came to the court of England, TyBut when that Tyrone was by these means, be- rone having conference with Sir William Warren sides what others, God knows, prepared to demand at Armagh, by way of discourse told him, and bound a parley, now was the time for Essex to acquit him-it with an oath, and iterated it two or three several self of all the queen's commandments, and his own promises and undertakings for the northern journey; and not so alone, but to have the glory at the disadvantage of the year, being but 2500 strong of foot, and 300 of horse, after the fresh disaster of Sir Conyers Clifford, in the height of the rebels' pride, to set forth to assail, and then that the very terror and reputation of my lord of Essex's person was such as dad daunt him and make him stoop to seek a paray; and this was the end he shot at in that September journey, being a mere abuse and bravery, and but inducements only to the treaty, which was the only matter he intended. For Essex drawing now towards the catastrophe, or last part of that tragedy, for which he came upon the stage in Ireland, his treasons grew to a farther ripeness. For Warren certi fied under his hand from the council of Ire land to the council here. The report of Bremingham, lords of the Richard to the council times; That within two or three The relation Ireland. |