and worthy, but perhaps they were not so prudent and discreet in going back to the origin of the quarrel and having it arranged, as they might have done. The evil is that in these controversies, in ninety cases out of a hundred, the parties get into the hands of men who believe they will be brought into consequence by becoming seconds in a duel.

"I hope the convention will not adopt the amendment offered by the gentleman from Louisville (Mr. Preston) to leave this matter to the control of the Legislature. Can there be any law proposed which does not now exist? No. Is it not death, if a man is killed, to all the persons concerned? It is; and if it is, it is the strongest kind of disqualification to hold any office in the future, I warrant. But is there not a law now in existence disfranchising from office any one who gives or accepts a challenge? There is; and what good can be attained by the passage of any further laws on the subject? If left to the Legislature, they will continue to pass special laws relieving men from the penalty, and thus nullifying the statutes.

"What more, then, can you do? You can furnish to the man who desires not to fight, an apology to public opinion for refusing to give or accept a challenge. Let the Constitution contain this disqualification, and you will attain this object by putting it out of the power of the Legislature to absolve a man from the penalty. These were the sentiments I uttered thirty-eight years ago in the legislative halls of Kentucky, and I was supported in them at that time by a young man one year younger than myself, and one of the most eloquent and able men Kentucky ever knew-I mean Solomon P. Sharpe."*

*Debates (Ky.) Conv., 824.

CHAPTER VI.

THE KITCHEN KNIFE.

T

HE leaders of the Federalist party opposed the war of 1812. For this reason, chiefly, that party was charged with "being the friend of Englishmen" during the struggle that ensued. On the successful issue of the American arms the Federalists, as an organized party, ceased to be factors in political affairs. With the peace that ensued began that tranquil period in American history-that "era of good will"-that had its culmination under President Monroe's administration. The National Republican party, of which Jefferson was the recognized founder, was, at that period, alike the party of the government and the people. Within its ranks were questions that caused differences, but they partook more of policy than principle, more of men than of measures. For example, there was some attempt to arouse the jealousy of other States because Virginia had continuously enjoyed the Presidency, save the single term of John Adams. The question of establishing a national bank was agitated. Differences also existed on other questions. But all this was within the Republican fold. Generally, the Federalists themselves had as resolutely turned their backs, not only on their organization, but on its very name, as earnestly as within a half century later "Know-Nothings deserted a shipwrecked party.

Madison's administration had been eminently successful. The dif ficulties that beset the opening of his second term were clearing away early in 1815. The triumph of General Jackson over the British forces at New Orleans in January of that year flattered American pride in a degree that later generations can not conceive. The treaty of Ghent of December 14, 1814 (not known in this country till after the battle), filled the cup of public complacency to its brim. In such a "piping " time as this Mr. Hardin became a candidate for member of the Federal Congress in the Bardstown district. Having served two terms in the State Legislature with credit, and having, in his nine years of professional life, worked his way to the first rank at the bar, it was not out of the order of things for him thus to aspire. This period antedated the origin and domination of the caucus and political conven

tion of later times. An aspirant for office was not able to make progress by pleading his service to the party in the past or his ability to successfully carry its banner in the future. His services to his country were taken into account, his patriotism, his zeal for the public welfare, and his ability to assist in needed legislation, but the tribunal that measured and determined his merit was not a dominant party, but the people at large. For his competitor he had the venerable General Matthew Walton, of Washington county-a most worthy man. General Walton had been an active participant in the public affairs of Kentucky from the earliest times. A Virginian by birth, he had been a soldier of the Revolution. He was a man of courage, and had especially won popular favor by his gallantry at the battle of King's mountain. He had removed to Kentucky soon after the capitulation. at Yorktown. He was a member of the second Danville convention, in May, 1785, held with a view to a separation of Kentucky from Virginia. Two similar conventions were held-one in the August following and the other in 1787-and General Walton was a member of each. In the latter he represented Nelson county. He was also the representative of that county in the Virginia convention which ratified the Constitution of the United States. He was a delegate from the same county in the Danville convention of 1792, that framed the first constitution. He was also a delegate in the Virginia House of Burgesses for 1789 and 1790. He served in the Kentucky House of Representatives in 1792 as a member from Nelson, and in 1795 and 1808, from Washington county. In 1800 to 1803 he was member of the State Senate. From 1803 to 1807 he had represented his district in the lower house of Congress. In 1809 he was chosen presidential elector for James Madison. He is said to have been proprietor, at one time, of one hundred and sixty thousand acres of land in Nelson and Washington counties, and from Salt to Green river many are the titles. traced through Matthew Walton. The dwelling house he built for himself was the first of any pretensions to elegance erected on the soil of Kentucky. In addition to his fame as a soldier, and his long and varied political career, he was noted for high breeding, gentle manly deportment, and liberality. It may be set down that Mr. Hardin had a formidable competitor. None of the issues and incidents that marked the canvass have survived. It was a warm struggle, as Hardin himself long afterward remarked. His majority of three hundred closed General Walton's public career. He died on the 18th of January, 1819.

The first session of the Fourteenth Congress began December 4, 1815. Henry Clay had been speaker of the Twelfth and the first session of the Thirteenth Congress, and was again chosen. The Kentucky delegation in the House consisted of Henry Clay, Joseph Desha, James Clark, Ben Hardin, R. M. Johnson, Alney McLean, Stephen Ormsby, Solomon P.Sharpe, Samuel McKee, and Micah Taul. Some of these names are wholly unfamiliar to modern ears and some but faintly remembered. Mr. Clay's career and that of Mr. Hardin, to a great extent, ran in similar lines and often together and finally ended the same year. Colonel "Dick" Johnson still freshly wore the laurels won at the Thames. In that battle between the American forces on one side and the British, under General Proctor, and the Indians, led by Tecumseh, on the other, it is said that during a charge by Colonel Johnson on the Indians that he slew their leader with his own hand. Some unknown bard thus announced the event:

"Rumsey, dumpsey,

Colonel Johnson killed Tecumseh."

His congressional service had begun in 1807 and had been continuous. Solomon P. Sharp, a former colleague and friend of Mr. Hardin in the State Legislature, will be spoken of elsewhere in describing a tragedy that thrilled the State a decade later. Micah Taul was a lawyer of good reputation, who practiced in Pulaski county as early as 1800, and afterward in the Court of Appeals. His sole public service seems to have been performed as a member of the Fourteenth Congress. James Clark was born near the Peaks of Otter, in Virginia, in 1799. At an early day his father emigrated to Kentucky and settled near Kentucky river in Clark county. His principal education was received from Dr. Blythe, afterward a professor in Transylvania University. He studied law with his brother, Christian Clark, a distinguished lawyer of Virginia. Returning to Kentucky, he began practice at Winchester in 1797. He was a member of the Legislature in 1807 and 1808, where he occupied an influential position. He was appointed Judge of the Court of Appeals in 1810, but after two years' service resigned. He was elected to the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Congresses. During his latter term he resigned, to accept the position of circuit judge. A decision rendered by him started the contest over the relief laws-famous in Kentucky history as the "old and new court" struggle. In 1836 he was clected governor and died in office. He had a strong mind and fine wit, and his literary attainments were respectable for his day. He had a fine person,

lively disposition, easy address, and was an admirable story-teller. To these lighter graces he added all the stern and manly virtues that inspire confidence and command respect.

Stephen Ormsby, for many years, beginning in 1780, was clerk of the courts in Jefferson county. He was appointed district judge on the organization of the State. He held this post until district courts were superseded by circuit courts, when he was appointed a judge of the latter. In 1787, he was a member of the Kentucky Society for Promoting Useful Knowledge, in which he was associated with many of the first citizens of the State. He was chosen presidential elector, in 1796, and voted for Jefferson, when John Adams was elected. He was a member of Congress from 1811 to 1817. Collins says: "He was highly esteemed as a man and as a public servant.”

Alney McLean was a native of Burke county, North Carolina. He emigrated thence to Kentucky, and began the practice of law at Greenville about 1805. He was a captain in the war of 1812, and took part in the battle of New Orleans. After the battle, he was assigned to very arduous fatigue duty, of which he complained to General Jackson. He received an insulting rebuff, for which he never forgave his old commander. He represented Muhlenberg county in the Legislature in 1812 and 1813. His congressional career and personal association with Mr. Hardin began with the Fourteenth Congress.

Joseph Desha, like Hardin, was of Huguenot descent, and, like him, was a native of Pennsylvania, where he was born December 9, 1768. The similarity continues, in that they were both brought to Kentucky in early youth. His military experience began when he was fifteen years old. with Indian fighting. In 1794, he volunteered under General Wayne, and served with distinction in his campaigns against the Indians. For nine years previous to 1806 he represented Mason county in the State Legislature by successive elections. He served in Congress from 1815 to 1819. He was a warm advocate of the war of 1812, was a major-general of volunteers, and present at the battle of the Thames. He was an amiable man, a gallant soldier, and greatly esteemed for his many virtues.

He

In 1808 Samuel McKee was a practicing lawyer at Lancaster. was legal preceptor and brother-in-law of the late Chief Justice George Robertson. He was elected to Congress four successive terms from the Lancaster district-1809 to 1817. At this session Kentucky was represented in the Senate by Major William T. Barry and Isham Talbot. Talbot was born in Bedford county, Virginia, in 1773. In his youth