ed a variety of spirited and provident resolutions; and the Prince Regent, who governs in the absence of his father, appears to be warmly attached to the popular cause. The Neapolitan population, and especially the youth, are represented as crowding to the national standard; and an army, said to be of considerable force, has taken its station on the frontiers, expecting the approach of the Austrian troops. Various rumours of battles and victories have been circulated, but no authentic intelligence has yet arrived to confirm them: neither is the exact force of the contending parties at present known. Reasoning, however, according to human probability,itwere utterly vain to expect that the raw Neapolitan levies should be able to cope with the disciplined legions of Austria, trained in many a hard-fought field, and directed by some of the best generals in Europe. The disparity is so great, that a doubt can hardly be entertained that if Naples should be obliged to stand alone in this contest, the result to her must be most disastrous, at least for a time. Her cause, however, is of too heart-stirring a nature in itself, and is so intimately linked with the hopes and interests of some other states, that she is not likely to be long left to fight the battles of freedom and national independence single-handed. Spain and Portugal are too deeply interested in the issue of the conflict to permit this. Italy also has its own griefs to redress, and its own liberties to achieve. Already have symptoms of affection to the Neapolitan cause exhibited themselves in Piedmont in a manner too plain to be mistaken. The particulars are not yet fully known: but thus much seems certain, that a great part of the Piedmontese army has declared for a free constitution, which has been promised them; that the king has abdicated his throne in favour of his brother, and in the mean time has appointed the Prince de Carignano, who is favourable to liberty, sole regent of the kingdom, with full power to administer its affairs. The Prince has appointed a Junta of fifteen, all of them, it is said, persons of high respectability, to assist him in the government, and to prepare a new constitution. And the whole nation, including the army, is said to be not only desirous of a representative government, but eager to yield their help to the Neapolitans by marching on the rear of

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the Austrian army. But whether this statement be true or false, should that armymeet with anyunexpected difficulties in its advance upon Naples, it is not improbable that the people of some of the other Italian states may be disposed to imitate the example of the Piedmontese; and how far the flame may eventually spread towards Germany, Prussia, and even Russia itself, it is impossible to predict. It is fearful to contemplate the prospect which seems to be opening in the South of Europe; for whoever may be the ultimate victors, the intermediate scene of carnage and desolation must be deeply afflicting to humanity. This unwarranted attack upon Naples seems most unfortunately calculated to excite the enthusiasm of that people, and of others who are, or may be, similarly situated, in favour of the very worst parts of the Spanish Constitution, which, by a kindlier course, they might have been induced to modify. In short, a general struggle seems to be approaching between democracy and despotism. The conflict may be severe and protracted, but the final result is hardly doubtful. It must terminate in the overthrow of the latter. In the mean time, it is much to be lamented that the cause of rational and well-ordered freedom suffers on both sides; and it may be long before the hostility of inflamed parties will allow their governments to settle into that temperate regimen of a well-balanced monarchical and representative system which is generally acknowledged to provide most effectually for the improvement and happiness of nations. How much betterwould the emperors of Austria and Russia and the king of Prussia have consulted their own interests, and the permanent security of their power, had the time, and thought, and treasure which they have expended in endeavouring to destroy the nascent germ of liberty in Naples, been directed to the amelioration of the political and social condition of their own subjects! By pointing their diligent cares to such an object, they might have laid a fresh and stable foundation for their authority in the gratitude of their people; whereas by pursuing a different policy, it has already become doubtful, as it respects Austria in particular, whether she may not be a great loser, at least whether she will be able much longer to retain the iron grasp by which she has hitherto compressed her Italian

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subjects, and dried up in their bosoms all the living springs of loyalty and affection. In the pride of conscious power, however, these powers have judged otherwise, and they have thus placed their own fate and that of Europe on the point of the bayonet. The crisis is indeed a tremendous one. May the God of battles be pleased in mercy to avert the calamities which appear at present to impend over so many states, and to give-for he alone can" to all nations unity, peace, and concord."

DOMESTIC.

The parliamentary proceedings of this month have embraced many very important questions.

On the 28th of February, Mr. Plunkett, in the House of Commons, brought forward the subject of the civil disabilities of the Catholics, in the shape of a motion for a committee of the whole house, to consider the laws by which they are at present disqualified from filling certain offices in the commonwealth, with the view of proposing some very material modifications of them. The motion was carried by a majority of seven. In the Committee, certain resolutions proposed by Mr. Plunkett were agreed to, which have been made the foundation of two bills, one of which is intended to regulate the civil qualifications of Catholics, and the other the relations of their hierarchy with the see of Rome. On the 16th instant, the second reading of the former bill was carried by a majority of eleven. The following are the provisions of the bill, as it has been read a second time: The preamble recites that the Protestant succession to the Crown, and the existing religious Establishments of England and Ireland, and of Scotland, are established permanently and inviolably; that the conduct of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects has been such that it is fitting to communicate to them the full enjoyment of the benefits of the constitution; that they have been always willing to take the Oaths of Allegiance and Abjuration, but that they are unwilling to take the Oath of Supremacy, because it seems to imply a disclaimer of the spiritual as well as the civil authority of the Pope or Church of Rome, which was not intended by its framers. It is therefore enacted, that the said Oath of Supremacy shall be modified, so as to deny any spiritual or other authority in the

pope or see of Rome which can in any manner interfere with the duty of a full and undivided allegiance; and that the oaths against Transubstantiation, the invocation of the Virgin Mary, and the sacrifice of the Mass, shall no longer be required as a qualification for office. It is however provided, that this change shall not interfere with the settlement of the Crown, or with offices in or connected with the Churches of England and Scotland, or the Universities, or with the presentations to benefices,-all which shall remain as before; and also that no Roman Catholic, on pain of being deemed guilty of a misdemeanour, shall advise the Crown as to the disposal of any office or preferment connected with these churches; or shall hold the offices of Lord Chancellor, Keeper of the Great Seal, or Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or shall vote at parish vestries in matters relating to the church. The bill has already undergone in full houses, consisting of about 500 members, several very lengthened discussions, which, considering the nature of the subject, and the strong feelings enlisted on either side, have been conducted in a spirit of exemplary moderation, and have called forth a power of argument and splendour of eloquence which have of late been but rarely witnessed, and which must satisfy the nation, whatever be the result, that the subject has been most thoroughly elucidated. On the side of the Catholic claims have been ranged, Mr. Plunkett, Lord Castlereagh, Sir James Macintosh, Mr. Canning, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Charles Grant, Lord Nugent, Sir J. Newport, Mr. Twiss, (Mr. Brougham and Mr. Scarlett are absent on the circuit), and many other distinguished individuals of both sides of the house. Their chief opponents have been Mr. Peel, Mr. Bankes, Sir William Scott, Sir John Nicholl, Mr. B. Bathurst, Mr. Wetherell, and Sir Thomas Lethbridge. The bill was committed on the 23d instant, when, after a long debate, the proposed modification of the Oath of Supremacy was carried by a majority of 14. The remaining clauses have since been carried; motions having at the same time been rejected for excluding the Catholics from Parliament, from the Bench, from the Privy Council, and from the command of Colonies. The second. bill, intended to regulate the intercourse between the Catholic prelacy and the see of Rome, by subjecting all

their communications to the inspection of a commission specially appointed for that purpose, has in the Committee been incorporated with the first.

The financial affairs of the country have met with ample discussion in several protracted debates respecting the supplies for the year. The army estimates, in particular, have been closely sifted and canvassed; and among other measures proposed by the Opposition, one for reducing the army by 10,000 men has caused long and eager debates, which, however, was negatived. All these discussions have at least had the salutary effect of turning the attention of the government and the country to the imperative duty of the utmost practicable

economy. Parliament seem also disposed to render this economy absn. lutely indispensable, if we may judge by the majority on Mr. Western's motion for a repeal of the additional tax on malt, which, if it should ultimately pass into a law, will curtail the revenue to the estimated amount of nearly two millions. This particular measure, however, was urged chiefly with a reference to the depressed state of the agricultural interests, which a Committee of the House of Commons has been appointed to consider.

The affair of the Queen we have scarcely heard mentioned during the present mouth. She appears to have lost her hold on the public mind since she has been left to herself.

MR. WALTER VENNING. Ar a recent meeting of the Committee of the Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline, Samuel Hoare, jun. Esq. in the chair, the Chairman informed the Committee that it was his painful duty to communicate to them the serious loss the Society had sustained by the decease of one of their most valuable members, Mr. Walter Venuing, who died at St. Petersburg, on the 10th of January, from a fever contracted in visiting one of the gaols of that city.

The Committee received this melancholy intelligence with feelings of deep concern and sincere sorrow, the ardent and benevolent zeal which Mr. Venning uniformly manifested in the service of the Society, rendering his death a loss peculiarly severe if not irreparable, and they resolved to place on their records the following tribute to his memory.

"Mr. Venning joined the Committee soon after the formation of the Society, and very essentially contributed by his exertions to the success of their labours. He was indefatigable in visiting the gaols of the metropolis, and ever earnest in his endeavours to restore the criminal, but especially the youthful offender, to the paths of religion and virtue. Dur ing his late residence in Russia, a period of nearly four years, his time has been unceasingly devoted to the amelioration of the gaols in that country. He pre. sented to the Emperor Alexander a memorial forcibly pointing out the great

national benefits that result from the improvement of prison-discipline, and the wisdom and practicability of rendering punishment the instrument of reformation. The justice of these views was acknowledged; and to carry then into execution an Association was formed at St. Petersburg, under the imperial sanction. This Association has been productive of extensive good, by introducing improvements in the construction of places of confinement, and regulations calculated to preserve the health and promote the moral and religious interests of the criminal. It is needless to add, that in these philan; thropic labours, Mr. Venning eminent, ly shared; and long, very long, will the wretched and the guilty confined in the prisons of the Russian Empire have reason to revere his name and bless his memory.

"The Committee, having thus briefly adverted to the public services of their deceased friend, might here close; but they cannot forbear to indulge, for one moment, in the remembrance of those Christian virtues, and that unaffected meekness, which distinguished his life and adorned his character. In prosecuting his public labours, his conduct was marked by undeviating firmness No prospect of personal danger, no consideration of personal ease could induce him to relax in his noble efforts. He sacrificed health, interest, comfort, and society, to encounter vice, misery, disease, and even death.