HE celebrated Montefquieu, when Treating of the difference between

ancient and modern education, makes the following judicious obfervation. "Another advantage their education had over ours-it was never effaced by contrary impreffions. Epaminondas, the last year of his life, faid, heard, faw, and performed, the very fame things as at the age when he received the first principles of his education.-In our days we receive three different or contrary educations-one from our parents-another from our masters-and a third from the world. What we learn in the latter, effaces all the ideas of the former."

I thall take the liberty, for the benefit of my countrymen, to enlarge upon Montefquieu's excellent remark, and to give it all the scope, the fenfe of the words will admit.

Thole who are converfant in ancient hiftory, obferve with pleafure, that in every great character which adorns its page, an invariable confiftency of fentiment and action is to be traced from the earliest dawn of reafon to the clofe of life.

The outlines, or rough features of the hero, the legislator, the philofopher, the patriot, and the good citizen, were strongly marked in the first stage of adolefcence; they were only more highly coloured as puberty fucceeded; and the finished portrait, the just refemblance of the Gods, which maturity prefented, was preferved unfullied, unfaded by time, or any external im

NUMBER Xİ.

preffions, to the utmoft period of hü« man existence.

In how different a light do moderns appear, whether we refer to the memoirs of those whom we esteem the illuftrious dead, or confult the living chronicle of the prefent times. The former have had their vices and follies placed in fuch contraft with their virtues, by hiftorians, biographers, and critics, that it would be rather uncharitable, as well as foreign to my department, to bring them again on the carpet. It is the Cenfor's business "to catch the manners living as they rife," to try the validity of Montelquieu's remark at home, and to make every man's feelings, and daily experience, the jury in this caufe. But let us for a moment extend our view to all the nations of Europe, and we shall find that a fpirit of inconfiftency, arifing from the caufe affigned by our author, univerfally prevails. From the monarch almost down to the fimple pealant-the changes are not more obfervable in their bodily conftitution, at different periods of their lives, than in the frame and difpofition of their minds. If it be true, that at the end of one feven years we have not a particle of matter remaining, which compofed the animal mechanism of our bodies the preceding even, it must be certainly fo, with refpect to the mental faculties-tor if we attentively furvey the public tranfactions of Europe, for the last half century, we fhall find, that with refpect to thofe grand objects reA 2

ligion

ligion and politics-the princes and chief rulers of this enlightened, civilized quarter of the globe, have changed their fentiments, and varied their conduct, once at least in feven or eight years. At one period, the royal houfes of Bourbon and Austria are to be fet up as competitors, to prevent the attempt of univerfal monarchy, fuppofed to be aimed at by the former, and to preferve the balance of power. On this chimerical principle all Europe is in arms, and torrents of blood fwell its rivers to accomplish a negociation for peace, which terminates in clipping the wings of ambition, but takes no measure to prevent their growing again. The lifping infant, however, is educated by his parents in the idea of the tyranny and defpotism of the French monarch-the queen of Hungary is adored as the fupporter of the religious and civil liberties of mankind; her picture is made part of the family furniture in every private houfe; and part of the fruit of the honeft induftry of the fubjects of every state in alliance with her is contributed, to wards the expences of a favage, unnecessary war: But, before the child grows up to manhood, behold the fcene is changed-he is told, that a moft unnatural alliance has taken place -the houses of Bourbon and Auftria are united! A certain king of Pruffia is now to be worshipped, as the faviour of the Proteftant nations, and the queen of Hungary to be confidered as the moft ungrateful bigot that ever exift

ed.

In one country, a boy, as foon as he can read, is taught by his parents to confider an order of men, devoted to the fervice of religion, and the care of the education of youth, as the most facred of any on earth-he imbibes an early veneration for the Jefuits, and he fees all ranks of men in the state paying them the most profound refpect even monarchs fubmitting their conduct to their guidance and direction-but before he has time to invef tigate the causes of their general influence and authority-they are expelled the dominions of the prince under whom he lives, and of whofe throne they were deemed the belt support

are pulickly accufed, not only of actual crimes, but even of the most dia bolical principles, in the very origin of their conftitution. Scarce is this accomplished, when he hears, that in another country-where the children had been brought up, even from the nursery, to dread these, and two other fpecies of animals, called the Pope and the Devil, as the worst of all evilsthey are received with open arms by the government, admitted into their councils, and privately careffed by the majority of the people.

When the public manners of civilized nations are thus impregnated with the fpirit of verfatility, it is no wonder to find it pervading all ranks and orders of men, in any particular kingdom which has deviated from the first principles of its conftitution. Virtue is the bafis of confiftency, both in public and private life; and, where it is no longer confidered as neceffary for the fupport of the dignity of government, or the good order of fociety-the inconfiftent and contradictory fentiments, which fpring from vicious principles, will characterize both the magiftracy and the private fubjects of such a state. This, for fome time paft, has been the deplorable fituation of Great-Britain; thofe whofe education should be the peculiar care of the legislature, are left to receive "one fet of principles from their parents, another from their mafters, and a third from the world,” and when thus completed, they are called to the adminiftration of government, in a country whofe conftitution is framed on the principles of public virtue, and of that confiitency, which true political wisdom alone can infpire.

Plato obferves, that "a good education is the fource and fountain of all knowledge, by which we are brought up together with our fellow creatures, and made, as it were, companions and play-fellows, in every kind and improvement of virtue." On this maxim was founded the great attention paid to the education of all their citizens, in the ancient republics of Greece. The Lacedæmonians in particular, had amongst them an order of magistrates, choten from the graveft

and

The and moft fenfible men in the commonwealth, who were called the Public Preceptors, or State Schoolmasters, and were expressly charged with the care of the education of youth. They confidered it as the real intereft of the ftate, to make all her citizens wife and virtuous; but as to fuch as were eligible to offices of dignity and truft in the commonwealth, they thought it more particularly incumbent on them, to be affured that they were qualified for their high truft, before they placed the lives and property of their fellowcitizens in their hands.

The total neglect which prevails with us, in this refpect, is the source of that want of principle fo generally complained of in this kingdom. We have no public schools, or academies, where youth, whofe birth and connections in life make it probable that they will be elected to public offices, pass any examination, or fubmit to any interrogatories, which may lead to a discovery of their qualifications for their future employments in the ftate; and therefore it cannot be expected that any credentials of their abilities fhould be required, when they are appointed to them.

Thus we fee birth, intereft, and landed property, made the only requifites to be the minifters and legiflators of a great trading nation, whofe profperity and renown depend on her freedom, and on the virtue and good underftanding of the people's reprefentatives in parliament. Nobility of birth, alliance, connections with great men in office, and the poffeffion of riches in land or money, will therefore be con'fidered as the fummary of human merit. To thefe every principle of the conftitution will be made to yield, and the mafs of the people catching the epidemical disease, will form their manners on the depraved example of their fuperiors, till, at length, nothing but the shadow of real worth will remain, and the most ignorant wretches in the state will poffefs its higheft dignities, by means of changing and accommodating their fentiments to the immediate views of the court. The lower orders of the people, obferving this, will divide into two bodies, the

one of which will fupport the autho rity of rulers, who have neither abilities nor integrity, to ferve their own private views, while the other will enter into a noify, ineffectual oppofition to government; for, having no fixed principle to impel them to perfift in the refolutions which they have formed, they can never be depended on, but will always be as liable to vary and turn about as the most professed courtier, when the face of danger becomes vifible, and any formidable enterprize which may endanger life or fortune is proposed for the good of their country.

If we would but apply Montesquieu's remark to the great men amongst us, whether placemen or patriots, it is probable we might discover that there can be but little profpect of any general reformation in the ftate, or of any redrefs of grievances, while those who are brought up with the hopes of one day becoming public characters, receive three very different and contrary impreffions from their parents, their mafters, and the world. Domeftic divifions and factions, fimilar to thofe which at prefent diftract us, must prevail, when the rifing generation attain to maturity; if the fame want of principle obtains, the only difference will be, the names of the popular and of the court favourites. Only let us reflect for a moment on the present most known and general characters at court and in the city; to mention names is needlefs, and indeed it would be illiberal; but we shall find, on examination, that not one of them has adhered to the first principles they received from their parents; on the contrary, that most of them have taken up one opinion in their father's house, another under their tutor's, and that both thefe have been dropped, when ambition, luft, lucre, and diffipation, the world's preceptors, took poffeffion of their hearts. Hence it is, that men, whofe ancestors fignalized themselves in the field and in the cabinet, in defence of the religious and civil rights of mankind, are become the strongest advocates for the prerogatives of the crown, the undue extention of which, excited their forefathers to take up

arms,

6

The

arms, and shed their blood, in fupport of the freedom of the people. The fons and grandions of the most ftaunch Whigs and Revolutionists are converted to Tories, and conftantly give their votes in fupport of arbitrary measures, exactly fimilar to thofe which occafioned the abdication of James II. and the inviting over the Prince of Orange. What but the degenerate example of the potentates of Europe, who have fo often changed their fentiments of religion and policy within the laft half century, could have given rife to fuch a fhameless, versatile temper. Sorry I am to include in this remark, a prince of the house of Hanover, who has given a pattern to his fubjects of the change of principles defcribed by Montefquieu. Born to know, that a facred regard for the natural and civil rights of mankind, a fpirit of moderation, and a warm paternal affection for those who had moft eminently diftinguished themselves in the caufe of public liberty, gained and fecured to that illuftrious houfe, the imperial crown he now wears-who can behold him, without aftonifhment, furrounded by the avowed enemies of his fa mily and their defcendants, and affording the most extraordinary countenance and protection to the natives of that part of his dominions where unnatural rebellions were generated and broke forth, which put to the hazard of a dye, the fucceffion he now enjoys-Is there a man of found judgement, a real lover of his country, who does not either openly complain, or fecretly repine, at the cold neglect, and occafional ill treatment of the defcendants of thofe true patriots who voted for the Hanover fucceffion, to the total exclufion of the race of Stuarts-while the offices of dignity, truit and profit, under the government of this prince, both at home and abroad, are bestowed on men who profefs principles of defpotiim, which, carried into practice, and continued for any number of years, muft work another revolution in favour of liberty, perhaps as fatal to the Brunfwick line, as the last was to the family of King James.

Muft not fuch a ftriking inftance of deviation from the principles of his illuftrious houfe, in fo exalted a character, have an influence on the manners of the nation; but more especially on a set of needy, extravagant nobility and gentry?

It mult, and accordingly we have feen both peers and commons changing their principles, deferting their friends, oppreffing their fellow-fubjects, and lending every affistance in their power to promote a fyftem of arbitrary rule, inconfiftent with the principles they must have imbibed from their parents, incompatible with true loyalty to a prince of the house of Hanover, and conformable only to those falfe principles which the example of a bad world has impreffed on their minds.

It is in vain we expect from fuch men any redrefs of grievances, we may remonftrate to eternity; for where the whole machine of government is managed by people who have deferted the principles of their ancestors, and are determined to embrace every fentiment and rule of conduct, which may promote their worldly intereft; dependance can be placed on promifes of reformation, or penitential profeffions, even when they quit the helm, and enlift under the banners of patriotifm.

no

Equally abfurd are our expectations from every fet of men of whatever denomination, who have not been remarkable for a confiftency of principle and conduct throughout life. The irreligious libertine and debauchee will hardly make a grave, wife magiftrate, or the faviour of his country-for where there has been no fixed principle of virtue from the beginning, there is the greatest reafon to believe opinions and fentiments will be taken up and laid down, as convenience and inteteft fhall dictate.

I would therefore fubmit it to the confideration of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights, whether fome addition might not be made to their refolution concerning candidates to ferve in this or any future Parliament, that they be required to fign a declaration (and

contrin

confirm it upon oath) of their political principles, fo far as they refpect the fundamental maxims of the conftitution, which afcertain the juft limits between the power and prerogatives of the Crown, and the rights and privileges of the people-that in cafe he is elected, and votes contrary to this declaration, his constituents may be enabled to profecute him for perjury. Such a measure would preclude the neceffity of thortening the duration of Parliaments, and moft effectually reduce the number of Placemen. As to an enquiry into the causes of the troubles of the prefent reign, I apprehend they need go no further for fatisfaction, my author having pointed them out; and if there be found amongst their body, men who have embraced different principles at different periods of their lives-jutt as their parents, their mafters, or the world has influenced them they may fpare themselves the trouble of inftructing others 'till they have begun at home, by figning and confirming upon oath, a full and unreferved declaration of their political principles, from which they cannot afterwards deviate, or change with the times.

The defection of fome of the patriotic members, fo loudly complained of, fuggefted to me this idea. Had they figned fuch a declaration, the altercations which have happened muft have been prevented, and we should not have been plagued with their ill-timed controverfies in the public papers.

SIR,

7

Had fuch a declaration been figned and confirmed, not upon his honour, but upon oath, by one of the firit Peers of the kingdom, when he was one of the celebrated Minority against the late peace, Junius would not have had fuch a black fubject to work upon. And if a fimilar declaration and oath had been made by the once great Commoner, he would not have been at this time an unferviceable Peer, nor would the treasure of the nation have 'been exhaufted by a German war, and German Commifiaries.

In a word, the whole nation wants to be brought back to fome fixed principle. The beft conftitution in the world, and framed to the belt end, without a principle, is nothing but a name; and without a right one must neceffarily be destroyed-this principle in the British conftitution is civil liberty, but it is not fuited to the prefent nature of our government, because that government has been fuffered to decline from its original plan for want of inculcating this prici le fo strongly by education and example, that the impreffion thould never be effaced, or any other principle fubftituted in its place. It follows that the principle of public liberty has not force enough to answer its end in our conftitution it is not preferved at the hazaid of life or fortune, but when either is at stake, it is given up, trified with, or bafely bartered for the honours and emoluments of office-Hinc illæ Lachrymæ!

SI have obferved with pleasure, A that you can occafionally lay afide your folemn gravity, and pay attention to a lady's favours, in return for your civility, I fulfill my promife by fending you a defcription of the kingdom of love. I hope it is an original, for it feems as old as the creation, and I affure you I found it in a little ivory cabinet belonging to a maiden aunt of mine, who at the age of 65 bid the world good night; and to enable me to bustle on in it with better fuccefs than herfeif, the left me, I fuppofe, this legacy amongst the other more valuable contents of the cabinet. It is written,

Guildford, July 10, 1771.

as you must obferve, in a very legible hand; and moft probably was prefented to her by fome libertine of her time, who took this method to protest against entering into the holy fate of matrimony, and it is not unlikely that the reflections at the conclufion determined her to lead a life of celibacy. I own, however, they have not weight enough to make me refolve on the fame ftupid courfe; therefore, if you are not engaged, nor afraid of the confequences of fatiety, leave a line with your publisher for your humble fervant,

MARIA.