and most honourable persons in command, who cast their darts around, while they inspirited the respective troops to energy in the fight. The skilful mode in which the British charioteers conducted the assault, and managed their horses, is described by Cæsar, in words to the following effect: "They first drive their chariots on all sides, and throw their darts; often, by the noise of the wheels and horses, putting the foremost ranks of the enemy into disorder. When they have forced their way into the midst of the cavalry, they quit their chariots, and fight on foot. Meanwhile, the drivers retire a little from the combat, and place themselves in reserve, to favour the retreat of the warriors, should they be too much oppressed by the enemy. Thus, in action, they perform the part both of nimble cavalry and of stable infantry; and by practice they have arrived at such expertness, that in the most steep and difficult places they can stop their horses, when at full speed, turn them which way they please, run along the pole, rest on the harness, and throw themselves back into their chariots with surprising dexterity."*

It is allowed by Cæsar, that the most hardy of his veteran troops were disconcerted by this mode of attack; and, if we may rely on the testimony of the same writer, the number of the chariots used in war was truly formidable. Cæsar asserts that no less than four thousand war chariots were retained by Cassivellaunus, after that prince, hopeless of success in the field, had disbanded the remainder of his forces.

The accounts which have descended to us from their enemies, the Romans, afford sufficient evidence of the personal courage, discretion, and skill of the British chiefs. They usually chose their ground, with great judgment, on the ascent of a hill: and profited to the utmost in their operations, by a superior knowledge of the country which they defended. In drawing up their troops, (as we are informed by Tacitus) they commonly placed the infantry in the centre, in several lines and in distinct corps; each division

division of warriors, consisting of the members of one clan, commanded by its chieftain.

These bodies of infantry were so disposed that they could with ease support and relieve each other, as exigency might demand.

The cavalry and chariots were stationed on either side, with small detached parties spreading along the front of the line; and this part of the army, rushing forwards on a signal, commenced the action, encouraged by the war-cry of the whole

power.

Accustomed to a limited theatre of warfare, amidst woodlands and morasses, with rival and contiguous tribes, the British commanders evinced a consummate skill in the arts of stratagem and surprise.

On such arts, indeed, depended their best hope, when they were opposed by the veteran legions. Their valour, however great, and their tactics, though far from contemptible, were not sufficient to enable them to cope in the open field with the superior arms and refined discipline of the Romans.

The hasty and predatory character of the warfare to which they had been alone accustomed, likewise precluded a knowledge in one essential branch of military science. This was the art of fortification; which they appear to have practised only in the instance of the barriers that they constructed around their towns, or stationary places of retreat in times of public danger.

After allowing these deficiencies, even in the dreadful art in which they chiefly excelled, it is evident that the Britons, collectively, possessed more than the untutored tumultuary valour ascribed to them by many writers. The skill in stratagem and retreat displayed by the Belgic Britons, greatly perplexed, if it did not entirely baffle, the illustrious Cæsar, one of the most consummate generals of Rome, the victorious mistress of so many nations. And in after ages of that contest whence we date the commencement of our national annals, the arts of the Romans assisted, in no mean degree, the

success of their arms over the general population of Britain.Such a triumph renders even subjugation attractive; but still it must not be forgotten that, after a struggle of more than four centuries, the conquerors of the continent left a portion of this island unsubdued, and sacred to rude but honest and indignant patriotism.

It is to be feared that the above brief sketch of the political constitution, the theology, and the customs and manners, of the ancient Britons, will prove inadequate to the gratification of the eurious. But it would be difficult to extend an account of the inhabitants of Britain, at the time of the Roman invasion, to a much greater length, on solid ground. It has been observed by Dr. Johnson that "all which is really known of the ancient state of this island, is contained in a few pages;" and such appears to be indeed the fact, if we adhere to what has been said, determinately of ancient Britain, by those who wrote from actual observation, or from contemporary intelligence. If we were allowed to argue from analogy, and to ascribe, unreservedly, to the Celta and Belge of Britain, the manners of kindred tribes on the continent, a more copious detail might be presented without any great effort. But it must ever be dangerous to the interests of truth, to apply particular instances from general remarks.

I might, likewise, have added much to these delineations, and have imparted to them many touches truly attractive, if I had chosen to lean on the authority of the poems ascribed to Ossian. But it would appear that poems, only verbally transmitted, and known to South Britain through the medium of a free translation only, cannot be safely adopted as materials for a legitimate history of manners, unless when they directly agree with the assertions of ancient historical writers; and in such instances their testimony, except as to the mere purpose of embellishment, must be superfluous.

Some minor particulars relating to the customs of the ancient Britons, will be elicited from an examination of their rude, but

venerable

venerable remains, which are strewed over the less cultivated parts of the island, in impressive abundance.

To an investigation of these I now proceed; and direct the notice of the reader to those earthy mounds and outlines, which mark the site of inhabitation at an earlier period than is recognised by the pages of British history; to massy vestiges of Druidical rites, which would mock the assaults of time, if unaided by the more destructive agency of the irreverent human hand; and to the antiquarian labours of those who have removed the incumbent load of earth from the Briton's rude cell of se. pulture, and have disclosed the reliques of his form, together with the simple, but emphatic, memorials placed beside him in the grave by the fanciful piety of an obsolete superstition.

BRITISH TOWNS--VESTIGES OF HABITATIONS-EXCAVATIONS.-The towns of the Britons contained no buildings that were likely to meet the eye of distant posterity. It has been already noticed, that, according to Cæsar, these towns consisted of mean huts for human inhabitation, and sheds for cattle, which were placed in the midst of a thick wood, and fortified by a high bank and a ditch.-But although the buildings of the British towns were not calculated for long duration, the vallum and fosse, where not interrupted by the hand of future settlers, would remain as land-marks of former population, through very distant ages. Such appear to be those called Ambresbury-banks, near Copped Hall, in Essex, which are thus described by a careful investigator: "This intrenchment was formerly in the very heart of the forest, and is of an irregular figure, rather longest from east to west, and on a gentle declivity to the south-east. It contains near twelve acres, and is surrounded by a ditch and high bank, much worn down by time; though, where there are angles, they are still very bold and high. There are no regular openings, like gateways or entrances."*

• Gough's Camden, Edit. 1789. Vol. II. p. 49. and Pl. I. fig. 4; and

But it would appear that the description of a British town, as transmitted by Cæsar, applies chiefly to the dwellings of such tribes as inhabited the lowlands of Britain. As security was the primary object studied by the Britons in constructing a town, we may readily believe that the nations which occupied the more mountainous districts of the island, chose the site of their places of retreat on the summit of elevations, difficult of access, and commanding extensive views. Accordingly, we find in several parts of Wales, and in Cornwall,* in Lancashire, Shropshire,† Cambridgeshire, Herefordshire, and other counties of England, the remains of castrametations on tall precipitate hill tops, which are confidently believed to have been the fastnesses, or towns of retreat, constructed by the ancient inhabitants of the island.

These fastnesses enclose a considerable area, and are of an irregular form, the outlines complying with the natural shape of the hill on which they are constructed. Where the sides are not defended by precipices, they are guarded by several ditches, and by ramparts, either of earth or of stones, worked without the use of mortar. They have sometimes only one, but more frequently have two entrances. One of the most important of these strong holds may desirably be adduced in this place, as a specimen of their prevailing character, since it is situated, according to the remark of Mr. King, on a spot that could not but be an object of the utmost attention to the original inhabitants of those territories, which afterwards were deemed distinctly England and Wales, from the very division here formed." This is now termed the Herefordshire Beacon, and is reared on the summit of one of the highest of the Malvern ridge of hills. The area of the castrametation comprises an irregular oblong, of 175 feet by 110 feet, and is surrounded by a steep and lofty vallum

of

Beauties for Cornwall, p. 500-501.

Beauties for Shropshire, p. 266–267, (and for a more copious notice of Hèn Dinas, the presumed British fastness in Shropshire, see King's Munimenta Antiqua, Vol. I.)

Beauties for Cambridgeshire, p. 130–131.