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Paul's Defence.

ACTS, XXV.

He Preacheth Christ to Felix.

guished champion. And no doubt Paul would so far
humour this desire as to present to them the great
leading features of the Gospel. But from v. 25, it is
evident that his discourse took an entirely practical
turn, suited to the life which his two auditors were
notoriously leading. And as he reasoned of righteousness,
(with reference to the public character of Felix) temper-
ance, (with reference to his immoral life) and judgment
to come (when he would be called to an awful account
for both) Felix trembled-and no wonder. For, on the
testimony of Tacitus, the Roman Annalist (v. 9; xii.
54, he ruled with a mixture of cruelty, lust, and ser-
vility, and relying on the influence of his brother Pallas
at court, he thought himself at liberty to commit every
sort of crime with impunity. How noble the fidelity
and courage which dared to treat of such topics in
such a presence, and what withering power must have
been in those appeals which made even a Felix to
tremble! Go thy way for this time; and when I have a
convenient season I will call for thee. Alas for Felix!
This was his golden opportunity, but-like multitudes
still-he missed it. Convenient seasons in abundance
he found to call for Paul, but never again to "hear
him concerning the faith in Christ," and writhe under
the terrors of the wrath to come. Even in these mo-
ments of terror he had no thought of submission to
the Cross or a change of life. The word discerned the
thoughts and intents of his heart, but that heart even
then clung to its idols; even as Herod who did many
things and heard John gladly," but in his best moments
was enslaved to his lusts. How many Felixes have
appeared from age to age! He hoped... that money should
have been given him ... wherefore he sent for him the
ottener, and communed with him. Bribery in a judge was
punishable by the Roman law, but the spirit of a slave
(to use the words of Tacitus) was in all his acts, and
his "communing with Paul"-as if he cared for either
him or his message-simply added hypocrisy to mean-
ness. The position in life of Paul's Christian visitors
might beget the hope of extracting something from
them for the release of their champion; but the apostle
would rather lie in prison than stoop to this! after two
years, &c. What a trial to this burning missionary of
Christ, to suffer such a tedious period of inaction!
How mysterious it would seem! But this repose would
be medicine to his spirit; he would not, and could not,
be entirely inactive, so long as he was able by pen and
message to communicate with the churches; and he
would doubtless learn the salutary truth that even he
was not essential to his Master's cause. That Luke
wrote his Gospel during this period, under the apostle's
superintendence, is the not unlikely conjecture of able
critics. Porcius Festus. Little is known of him. He
died a few years after this. (JOSEPHUS' Antiquities,
xx. 8. 9, to 9. 1.) came into Felix' room. He was recalled,
on accusations against him by the Jews of Cesarea, and
only acquitted through the intercession of his brother
at court. (JOSEPHUS' Antiquities, xx. 8, 10.) Felix,
willing to shew the Jews a pleasure-to earn the thanks
of the Jews,' which he did not. left Paul bound (ch, 26.
29), which does not seem to have been till then.
CHAPTER XXV.

and this alone, am I hated. (2.) The Roman law allows every nation to worship its own deities; I claim protection under that law, worshipping the God of my Ancestors, even as they, only of a different sect of the common religion. believing all, &c. Here, disowning all opinions at variance with the Old Testament Scriptures, he challenges for the Gospel which he preached the authority of the God of their fathers. So much for the charge of heresy. and have hope... as themselves allow, that there shall be a resurrection, &c. This appeal to the faith of his accusers shows that they were chiefly of the Pharisees, and that the favour of that party to which he owed in some measure his safety at the recent council (ch. 23, 6-9), had been quite momentary. 16. And herein-On this account,' accordingly;' q.d. looking forward to that awful day. (cf. 2 Corinthians, 6. 14. I exercise myself. The "I" here is emphatic: q.d. 'Whatever they do, this is my study.' to have always a conscience void of offence, &c. See ch. 23. 1; 2 Corinthiars, 1. 12; 2. 17, &c. q.d. These are the great principles of my life and conduct--how different from turbulence and sectarianism! 17. Now, after many (several years absence from Jerusalem) I came to bring alms to my nation-referring to the collection from the churches of Macedonia and Greece, which he had taken such pains to gather. This only allusion in the Acts to what is dwelt upon so frequently in his own epistles (Romans, 15, 25, 26; 1 Corinthians, 16. 1-4; 2 Corinthians, 8. 1-4) throws a beautiful light on the truth of this History. See PALEY's Hora Paulina.) and (to present) offerings -connected with his Jewish vow: see next verse. 1821. found me purified in the temple-not polluting it, there fore, by my own presence, and neither gathering a crowd for raising a stir: If then these Asiatic Jews have any charge to bring against me in justification of their arrest of me, why are they not here to substantiate it? or else let these... here say:-'Or, passing from all that preceded my trial, let those of the Sanhedrim here present say if I was guilty of aught there,' &c. No doubt his hasty speech to the high priest might occur to them, bat the provocation to it on his own part was more than they would be willing to recall. Except... this one voice... Touching the resurrection, &c. This would recall to the Pharisees present their own inconsistency, in befriending him then and now accusing him. 22, 23. having more perfect knowledge of that ('the') way. See on ch. 19. 23; and on v. 10. when Lysias... shall come,... I will know, &c. Felix might have dismissed the case as a tissue of unsupported charges. But if from his interest in the matter he really wished to have the presence of Lysias and others involved, a brief delay was not unworthy of him as a judge. Certainly, so far as recorded, neither Lysias nor any other parties appeared again in the case. Verse 23, however, seenus to show that at that time his prepossessions in favour of Paul were strong. 24, 25. Felix... with his wife Drusilla .... a Jewess. This beautiful but infamous woman was the third daughter of Herod Agrippa I. who was eaten of worms (see on ch. 12. 1), and a sister of Agrippa II., before whom Paul pleaded, ch. 26. She was given in marriage to Azizus, king of the Emesenes, who had consented to be circumcised for the sake of the alliance. But this marriage was soon dissolved, after this manner. When Festus was procurator of Judea, he saw her, and being captivated with her beauty, persuaded her to desert her husband, transgress the laws of her country, and marry himself.' (JOSEPHUS' Antiquities, XX. 7. 1, 2.] Such was this "wife" of Felix. he sent for Paul and heard him concerning the faith in Christ. Perceiving from what he had heard on the trial that the new sect which was creating such a stir was represent--to ed by its own advocates as but a particular development of the Jewish faith, he probably wished to gratify the curiosity of his Jewish wife as well as his own, by a more particular account of it from this distin

Ver. 1-12. FESTUS, COMING TO JERUSALEM, deCLINES TO HAVE PAUL BROUGHT THITHER FOR JUDGMENT, BUT GIVES THE PARTIES A HEARING ON HIS RETURN TO CESAREA ON FESTUS ASKING THE APOSTLE IF HE WOULD GO TO JERUSALEM FOR ANOTHER HEARING BEFORE HIM, HE IS CONSTRAINED IN JUSTICE TO HIS CAUSE TO APPEAL TO THE EMPEROR, 1-3. Festus... after three days ascended... to Jerusalem

make himself acquainted with the great central city of his government without delay. Then the high priest-a successor of him before whom Paul had appeared (ch. 23. 2). and the chief of the Jews-and "the whole multitude of the Jews," . 24, clamorously. in

The Jews Accuse

ACTS, XXVI.

Paul before Festus. lived with her brother Agrippa-not without suspicion of incestuous intercourse, which her subsequent licentious life tended to confirm. came to salute Festusto pay his respects to him on his accession to the procuratorship. 14, 15. when there many ('several' days. Festus declared Paul's cause-taking advantage of the presence of one who might be presumed to know such matters better than himself, though the lapse of "several days" ere the subject was touched on shows that it gave Festus little trouble. 16-21. to deliver any man to die. See on the word "deliver up" v. 11. as I supposed ('suspected')-crimes punishable by civil law. questions of their own superstition-rather 'religion' (see on ch. 17. 22). It cannot be supposed that Festus would use the word in any discourteous sense in addressing his Jew

formed him against Paul desired favour in v. 15, "judgment" against him. It would seem that they had the insolence to ask him to have the prisoner executed even without a trial (v. 16. laying wait... to kill him. How deep must have been their hostility, when two years after the defeat of their former attempt, they thirst as keenly as ever for his blood. Their plea for having the case tried at Jerusalem, where the alleged offence took place was plausible enough; but from r. 10 it would seem that Festus had been made acquainted with their causeless malice, and that in some way which Paul was privy to. 4-6. answered . . . that Paul should be kept rather, 'is in custody') at Cesarea, and himself would depart shortly thither. Let them which among you are able, go down- 'your leading men.' the Jews... from Jerusalem-clamorously, as at Jeru-ish guest. one Jesus. Thus speaks this miserable salem, see v. 24. many and grievous complaints against Festus of Him to whom every knee shall bow.' [BENPaul. From his reply, and Festus' statement of the GEL] whom Paul affirmed (kept affirming') was alive case before Agrippa, these charges seem to have been-showing that the resurrection of the Crucified One a jumble of political and religious matter which they were unable to substantiate, and vociferous cries that he was unfit to live. Paul's reply, not given in full, was probably little more than a challenge to prove any of their charges, whether political or religious. 9, 10. Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure (to ingratiate himself with them), said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem,

and... be judged. before me for under my protec

tion"). If this was meant in earnest, it was temporis
ing and vacillating. But, possibly, anticipating Paul's
refusal, he wished merely to avoid the odium of refus-
ing to remove the trial to Jerusalem. Then said Paul,
I stand at Cesar's judgment-seat-i.e., I am already be-
fore the proper tribunal. This seems to imply that
he understood Festus to propose handing him over to
the Sanhedrim for judgment (and see on v. 11), with a
mere promise of protection from him. But from going
to Jerusalem at all he was too well justified in shrink- |
ing, for there assassination had been quite recently
planned against him. to the Jews have I done no wrong.
es thon knowest very well-lit., 'better,' i.e., (perhaps)
better than to press such a proposal. if there be none of
these things..
... no man may deliver me unto them. The
word signifies to 'surrender in order to gratify' another.
I appeal to Cesar. The right of appeal to the supreme
power, in cases of life and death, was secured by an
ancient law to every Roman citizen, and continued
under the empire. Had Festus shown any disposition
to pronounce final judgment, Paul, strong in the con-
sciousness of his innocence and the justice of a Roman
tribunal, would not have made this appeal. But when
the only other alternative offered him was to give his
own consent to be transferred to the great hotbed of
plots against his life, and to a tribunal of unscrupulous
and bloodthirsty ecclesiastics whose vociferous cries
for his death had scarcely subsided, no other course
was open to him. 12. Festus little expecting such an
appeal, but bound to respect it having conferred with
the council (his assessors in judgment, as to the admis-
sibility of the appeal), said, Hast thou for thou hast")
... to Cesar shalt thon go-as if he would add perhaps)
and see if thou fare better.'

13-27. HEROD AGRIPPA II., ON A VISIT TO FESTUS, BEING CONSULTED BY HIM ON PAUL'S CASE, DESIRES ΤΟ HEAR THE APOSTLE, WHO IS ACCORDINGLY

BROUGHT FORTH. 13. king Agrippa-great grandson of Herod the Great, and Drusilla's brother (see on ch. 24. 24). On his father's awful death (ch. 12. 23), being thought too young (17) to succeed, Judea was attached to the province of Syria. Four years after, on the death of his uncle Herod, he was made king of the northern principalities of Chalcis, and afterwards got Batanea, Iturea, Trachonitis, Abilene, Galilee, and Perea, with the title of king. He died A. D. 100, after reigning fiftyone years. and Bernice-his sister. She was married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she

had been the burden, as usual, of Paul's pleading. The
insignificance of the whole affair in the eyes of Festus
s manifest. because I doubted of such manner of ques-
tions. The "I" is emphatic: -I, as a Roman judge,
being at a loss how to deal with such matters, the hearing
of Augustus-the imperial title first conferred by the
Roman Senate on Octavius. 22-27. I would also hear
'should like to hear the man myself. No doubt
Paul was right when he said, "The king knoweth of
these things... for I am persuaded that none of these
things are hidden from him; for this thing was not
done in a corner" (ch. 26. 26. Hence his curiosity to
see and hear the man who had raised such commotion
and was remodelling to such an extent the old Jewish
life. when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great
pomp-in the same city in which their father, on ac-
count of his pride, had perished, eaten up of worms.
[WETST.] with the chief captains. See on ch. 21. 32.
Josephus (Jewish War, iii. 4. 2, says that five cohorts,
whose full complement was 1000 men, were stationed
at Cesarea. principal men of the city both Jews and
Romans. This was the most dignified and influential
audience Paul had yet addressed, and the prediction,
ch. 9. 15, was fulfilled, though afterwards still more
remarkably at Rome, ch. 27. 24; 2 Timothy, 4. 16, 17.'
[WEBSTER & WILKINSON.] I have no certain (definite")
thing to write to my lord-Nero. The writer's accuracy
should be remarked here. It would have been a mis-
take to apply this term ("lord") to the emperor a few
years earlier. Neither Augustus nor Tiberius would
let himself be so called, as implying the relation of
master and slave. But it had now come rather, was
coming) into use as one of the imperial titles."
[HACKET.]

CHAPTER XXVI.

Ver. 1-32. PAUL'S DEFENCE OF HIMSELF BEFORE AGRIPPA, WHO PRONOUNCES HIM INNOCENT, BUT CONCLUDES THAT THE APPEAL TO CESAR MUST BE CARRIED OUT. This speech, though in substance the same as that from the fortress-stairs of Jerusalem (ch. 22), differs from it in being less directed to meet the charge of apostasy from the Jewish faith, and giving more enlarged views of his remarkable change and apostolic commission, and the divine support under which he was enabled to brave the hostility of his countrymen. 1-3. Agrippa said. Being a king he appears to have presided. Paul stretching forth the hand-chained to a soldier (v. 29, and see on ch. 12. 6). I know thee to be expert, &c. His father was zealons for the law, and himself had the office of president of the temple and its treasures, and the appointment of the high priest. (JOSEPHUS Antiquities, xx. 1. 3.) hear me patiently-The idea of indulgently' is also conveyed. 4, 5. from my youth, which was at the first...at Jerusalem, know all the Jews;" which knew me from the beginning-plainly showing that he received his education even from early youth, at

Paul's Defence

ACTS, XXVI.

before Agrippa.

sanctified; and the faith which introduces the soul to all this is emphatically declared by the glorified Redeemer to rest upon Himself -"FAITH, even THAT WHICH IS IN ME." And who that believes this can refrain from casting his crown before Him or resist offering Him supreme worship? 19-21. Whereupon, O king Agrippa, I was not disobedient unto the heavenly vision. This musical and elevated strain, which carries the reader along with it, and doubtless did the hearers, bespeaks the lofty region of thought and feeling to which the apostle had risen while rehearsing his Master's communications to him from heaven. showed to them of Damascus and at Jerusalem-omitting Arabia; because, beginning with the Jews, his object was to mention first the places where his former hatred of the name of Christ was best known: the mention of the Gentiles, so unpalatable to his audience, is reserved to the last. repent and turn to God, and do works meet for repentancea brief description of conversion and its proper fruits, suggested, probably, by the Baptist's teaching, Luke, 3.7. 8. 22, 23. having obtained help ('succour) from Gad (that [which cometh] from God," I continue (stand,' hold my ground) unto this day, witnessing, &c.: q.d. This life of mine, so marvellously preserved, in spite of all the plots against it, is upheld for the Gospel's sake; therefore I "witnessed," &c. that Christ should suffer, &c. The construction of this sentence implies that in regard to the question whether the Messiah is a suffering one and whether, rising first from the dead, he should show light to the Jewish) people and to the Gentiles,' he had only said what the prophets and Moses said should come. 24. Festus said with a loud voicesurprised and bewildered. Paul, thou art beside thyself, much learning doth make thee mad-q.d. is turning thy head. The union of flowing Greek, deep acquainta resurrection and other doctrines to a Roman utterly unintelligible, and above all, lofty religious earnestness, so strange to the cultivated, cold hearted sceptics of that day-may account for this sudden exclamation. 25, 26. I am not mad, most noble Festus, but, &c. Can any thing surpass this reply, for readiness, self-possession, calm dignity? Every word of it refuted the rude charge, though Festus, probably, did not intend to hurt the prisoner's feelings. the king knoweth, &c. See on v. 1-3. 27-29. believest thou the prophets? I know that thou believest. The courage and confidence here shewn proceeded from a vivid persuasion of Agrippa's knowledge of the facts and faith in the predictions which they verified; and the king's reply is the highest testimony to the correctness of these presumptions and the in mense power of such bold yet courteous appeals to conscience. Almost or 'in a little time") thou persuadest me to be a Christian. Most modern interpreters think the ordinary translation inadmissible, and take the meaning to be, Thou thinkest to make me with little persuasion or small trouble) a Christian--but I am not to be so easily turned. But the apostle's reply can scarcely suit any but the sense given in our authorized version, which is that adopted by CHRYSOSTOM and some of the best scholars since. The objection on which so much stress is laid, that the word "Christian" was at that time only a term of contempt, has no force except on the other side; for taking it in that view, the sense is, 'Thou wilt soon have me one of that despised sect.' I would to God, &c. What unequalled magnanimity does this speech breathe! Only his Master ever towered above this. not only... almost

Jerusalem. See on ch. 22. 3. if they would ('were will-forgiveness, and its last, admission to the home of the ing to testify- but this, of course, they were not, it being a strong point in his favour. after the most straitest the strictest') sect-as the Pharisees confessedly were. This was said to meet the charge, that as a Hellenistic Jew he had contracted among the Heathen lax ideas of Jewish peculiarities. 6, 7. I... am judged for the hope of the promise made... to our fathers for believing that the promise of Messiah, the Hope of the Church (ch. 13. 32; 28. 20 has been fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth risen from the dead.' unto which premise the fulfilment of it) our twelve tribes James, 1. 1; and see on Luke, 2. 36. instantly-intently;' sec on ch. 12. 5. serving God-in the sense of religious worship; see on ministered," ch. 13. 2. day and night hope to come. The apostle rises into language as catholic as the thought-representing his despised nation, all scattered though it now was, as twelve great branches of ene ancient stem, in all places of their dispersion offering to the God of their fathers one unbroken worship, reposing on one great "promise" made of old unto their fathers, and sustained by one "hope" of "coming" to its Fulfilment: the single point of difference between him and his countrymen, and the one cause of all their virulence against him, being, that his hope had found rest in One already come, while theirs still pointed to the future. for which hope's sake, king Agrippa, I am accused of the Jews-I am accused of Jews, O king' so the true reading appears to be); of all quarters the most surprising for such a charge to come from. The charge of sedition is not so much as alluded to throughout this speech. It was indeed a mere pretext. 8. Way should it be thought a thing incredible... that God should raise the dead?-rather, 'Why is it judged a thing incredible if God raises the dead? the case being viewed as an accomplished fact. No one dared to call in question the overwhelming evidence of the resurrec-ance with the sacred writings of his nation, reference to tion of Jesus, which proclaimed Him to be the Christ, the Son of God; the only way of getting rid of it, therefore, was to pronounce it incredible. But why, asks the apostle, is it so judged? Leaving this pregnant question to find its answer in the breasts of his audience, he now passes to his personal history. 9-15. See on ch. 9. 1, &c., and cf. ch. 22. 4, &c. 16-18. But rise, &c. Here the apostle appears to condense into one statment various sayings of his Lord to him in visions at different times, in order to present at one view the grandeur of the commission with which his Master had clothed him. [ALFORD.] a minister... both of these things which thou hast seen (putting him on a footing with those "eye-witnesses and ministers of the word" mentioned Luke, 1. 2, and of those in which I will appear to thee-referring to visions he was thereafter to be favoured with; such as ch. 18. 9, 10; 22. 17-21; 23. 11; 2 Corinthians, 12. &c. (Galatians, 1. 12. delivering thee from the people the Jews) and from the Gentiles. He was all along the object of Jewish malignity, and was at that moment in the hands of the Gentiles; yet he calmly reposes on his Master's assurances of deliverance from both, at the same time taking all precautions for safety and vindicating all his legal rights. unto whom Low I send thee. The emphatic "1" here denotes the authority of the Sender. [BENGEL] To open their eyes, [and] to turn them from darkness to light-rather, that they may turn' (as in r. 20, i.e., as the effect of their eyes being opened. The whole passage leans upon Isaiah, 61. 1 Luke, 4. 18). and from the power of Satan. Note the connexion here between being "turned from darkness" and "from the power of Satan," whose whole power over men lies in keeping them in the dark: Hence he is called "the ruler of the darkness of this world." See on 2 Corinthians, 4. 4. that they may recave forgiveness... and inheritance among the sanctified by faith that is in me. Note: Faith is here made the instrument of salvation at once in its first stage,

but altogether-or, 'whether soon or late,' or 'with little or much difficulty. except these bonds-doubtless holding up his two chained hands (see on ch. 12. 6; which in closing such a noble utterance must have had an electrical effect. 30-32. when he had thus spoken, the king rose-not over-easy, we may be sure. This man

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