bears, I know, a generous heart in an intrepid breast; tell me, for you must needs remember,-on that day, when the destinies of mankind were trembling in the balance—while death fell in showers upon them-when the artillery of France, levelled with a precision of the most deadly science, played upon them-when her legions, incited by the voice, and inspired by the example, of their mighty leader, rushed again and again to the onset-tell me, if, for an instant, when to hesitate for that instant was to be lost, the "aliens" blenched? And when at length the moment for the last and decisive movement had arrived, and the valour which had so long been wisely checked was at length let loosewhen with words familiar but immortal, the great captain exclaimed, "Up, lads, and at them !"-tell me, if Ireland with less heroic valour than the natives of your own glorious isle precipitated herself upon the foe? The blood of England, of Scotland, and of Ireland, flowed in the same stream—on the same field. When the still morning dawned, their dead lay cold and stark together—in the same deep pit their bodies were deposited; the green corn of spring is now breaking from their commingled dust—the dew falls from heaven upon their union in the grave. Partakers in every peril-in the glory shall we not be permitted to participate? and shall we be told as a requital, that we are estranged from the noble country for whose salvation our life-blood was poured out? VIII.-CURRAN ON FREEDOM. (JOHN PHILPOT curran.) John Philpot Curran, the celebrated barrister and wit, was born near Cork in 1750, and died in 1817. I PUT it to your oaths :-do you think that a blessing of that kind—that a victory obtained by justice over bigotry and oppression should have a stigma cast upon it, by an ignominious sentence upon men bold and honest enough to propose that measure?—to propose the redeeming of religion from the abuses of the Church, the reclaiming of three millions of men from bondage, and giving liberty to all who had a right to demand it ?—giving, I say, in the so much censured words of this paper, giving "Universal Emancipation!" I speak in the spirit of the British law, which makes liberty commensurate with, and inseparable from British soil; which proclaims, even to the stranger and sojourner, the moment he sets his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is holy, and consecrated by the genius of Universal Emancipation. No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no matter what complexion, incompatible with freedom, an Indian or an African sun may have burnt upon him; no matter in what disastrous battle his liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of slavery; the first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the god sink together in the dust; his soul walks abroad in her own majesty; his body swells beyond the measure of the chains that burst from around him; and he stands-redeemed, regenerated, and disinthralled, by the irresistible genius of "Universal Emancipation." IX.-THE SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT. (C. J. FOX.) The Right Honourable Charles James Fox was third son of the Right Honourable Henry Fox (afterwards Lord Holland of Foxley), and of Lady Georgiana Caroline, eldest daughter of Charles, second Duke of Richmond. He was born in 1749, and died in 1806,-the same year which proved fatal to his great rival, William Pitt. The Habeas Corpus Act was passed in the reign of Charles II., 1679. It provides that no British subject can be kept in prison beyond a certain period, without a public examination of the charges brought against him. It has been occasionally suspended, in cases of extreme emergency; but then only by the consent of Parliament. On the occasion referred to in the following speech (1794) Mr. Pitt proposed its suspension in consequence of a message from the King. AGAINST whom, I would ask, is the thunder of government levelled? Is it against men of influence? No. Such a convention* could have no influence, and it would be ridiculous in government to stop them. The Constitution has too many admirers, has too many defenders, to have any Certain societies who designated themselves "The British Convention." fears from the attempts of such men. But, if government did really believe that they meant to form a government of themselves, could they be so mad, so absurd, as to suppose that they would be joined by any body sufficiently numerous to create any serious alarm? Surely not. For my part, I solemnly believe that if a hundred men were to assemble together, and presume to dictate laws to the rest of the community, there could not be found another hundred who would be willing to join them. This Constitution has too many defenders, too many well-wishers, to fear any such paltry attempts to overturn it. But, suppose that this convention assembled by Mr. Hardy and Mr. Adams entertain the views ascribed to them, I would then say that the measure now proposed is of infinitely greater mischief to the people than that which it is proposed to remedy. Is the House aware of the extent of this measure? It is no less than giving to the executive authority absolute power over the personal liberty of every individual in the kingdom. It may be said that ministers will not abuse that power. I must, for my own part, declare that I do not feel very comfortable under that reflection. Every man who talks freely, every man who detests-as I do from my heart-this war, might be, and would be, in the hands and at the mercy of ministers. Living under such a government, and being subject to insurrection ;-comparing the two evils, I confess I think the evil you are pretending to remedy is less than the one you are going to inflict by the remedy itself. We are going to give up the very best part of our Constitution; and that which every man is entitled to do, and which I am now doing—delivering the sentiments of my heart upon the affairs of government, for the benefit of the public—would be at an end at once. If such is to be the case, might I not then say, that there is an end of the Constitution of England? But, is there any instance, on such an occasion, of such a measure? Such a measure had been adopted in the reign of King William. Was that similar to the present reign? The same measure had been adopted in the time of the rebellion in 1715, and again in 1745. Were the circumstances then similar to the present? At that time there was an army in the kingdom in favour of a popish prince, claiming a right to the throne; and that, too, if we are to credit report, at a time when the people were a good deal divided in opinion as to the propriety of the succession of the House of Hanover. Is there any such prince now? Are there any such circumstances now? Nothing like it. Here we see a number of individuals, without arms, without means of any kind whatever, moving for a reform in Parliament. Such are the present circumstances; and I must say that the House would betray its duty to the Constitution, if it should agree to the present measure. Having said thus much, I have but one thing more to submit. I am exceedingly surprised at the precipitation with which the business is brought forward. I conceive that a few days could make no difference, and that there could be no objection to a call of the House on a question of such magnitude. Is the danger so imminent, that a number of members must be deprived of the privilege of delivering their sentiments upon so alarming an exigence? Could one fortnight make such a difference? Is the danger so great as to exclude all possibility of deliberation, and compel the House to run headlong into the snare which the timidity or temerity of the people has prepared for them? For my part, detesting equally the endeavour to intimidate as the endeavour to enslave, I feel it my duty to oppose the leave for bringing in the Bill. I see that a fancied terror has intruded itself upon the faculties of several members, and that they are prepared to sacrifice their duty to notions of supposed expediency and groundless alarm. Having an invincible objection to every species of delusion, I, for one, will enter my decided protest against the proceedings about to be adopted. This measure appears before me in so dreadful a point of view, that I should consider myself as betraying my constituents and the public, if I did not oppose it in every stage. It is a measure that would overturn the very corner-stone of the Constitution, and surrender to ministers the personal freedom of every man in the kingdom. X.-WEBSTER ON SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES. Daniel Webster, one of the most distinguished statesmen of the American THE United States are not wholly free from the contamination of a traffic at which every feeling of humanity must for ever revolt-I mean, the African slave trade. Neither public sentiment nor the law has hitherto been able entirely to put an end to this odious and abominable trade. At the moment when God in his mercy has blessed the Christian world with a universal peace, there is reason to fear, that, to the disgrace of the Christian name and character, new efforts are making for the extension of this trade, by subjects and citizens of Christian states, in whose hearts no sentiment of humanity or justice inhabits, and over whom neither the fear of God nor the fear of man exercises a control. In the sight of our law, the African slave-trader is a pirate and a felon: and, in sight of Heaven, an offender far beyond the ordinary depth of human guilt. There is no brighter part of our history than that which records the measures which have been adopted by the government, at an early day, and at different times since, for the suppression of this traffic; and I would call on all the true sons of New England to co-operate with the laws of man and the justice of Heaven. If there be, within the extent of our knowledge or influence, any participation in this traffic, let us pledge ourselves here to extirpate and destroy it. It is not fit that the land of the Pilgrims should bear the shame longer. I hear the sound of the hammer, I see the smoke of the furnaces, where manacles and fetters are still forged for humau limbs. I see the visages of those who, by stealth, and at midnight, labour in this work of hell, foul and dark, as may become the artificers of such instruments of misery and torture. Let the spot be purified, or let it cease to be of New England. Let it be purified, or let it be set aside from the Christian world; let it be put out of the circle of human |