pointed out that if the disorder spread, the hopes of the reform party of India and their British sympathisers would be frustrated, inasmuch as there must be an end of all real reform. No one disliked exceptional executive measures more than he did; they must be judged in connection with the emergency and the risk, and the Government were determined not to deprive the Government of India of any weapon provided by the law for the suppression of disorder. Later, in reply to the Opposition leader, he said that the information from the Punjab showed that the measures taken, with the full support of the British Government, had been effective; read out the terms of the Ordinance for preventing disorder in Eastern Bengal (Foreign and Colonial History, Chapter V.), and in reply to Mr. Redmond declined to give an early opportunity for debate-then precluded by a blocking motion put down by an ex-Indian civilian, Mr. Rees (Montgomery District)-as he considered it very important that the agitators should not be able to say that the House was divided in opinion.

The adjournment of the House of Commons for Whitsuntide took place two days later, after proceedings in Supply of no great interest (May 15). On the motion for adjournment, however, there was the usual miscellaneous debate. The subject of the Congo State was brought up by Sir John Kennaway (Honiton, Devon), who thought that the recent Ministerial crisis. in Belgium (Foreign and Colonial History, Chapter IV.) afforded little hope of improvement in the situation. Sir Charles Dilke (Forest of Dean, Glouc) thought that the declaration of the new Belgian Cabinet supported King Leopold's claim to freedom from international control, and pointed out that the difficulties in the way of interference might be increased by continued delay. Earl Percy (South Kensington) thought the Government might make it clear that if the Belgian solution of annexation were rejected, nothing would reconcile the British Government to the indefinite prolongation of the existing state of things. According to the reports received, the reforms carried out in the Congo were very few in number and had done little good. It should be explained that we could not in any circumstances tolerate the theory that financial difficulties could excuse those who were responsible from carrying out the purposes contemplated when the Congo Free State was recognised. He believed that, if once the principle of national responsibility were accepted by Belgium, all the restrictions by which it was now sought to hamper the Belgian Parliament would be swept away. But it was alleged that, if effective reforms were carried out and abuses put an end to, there would be a deficit in the Congo revenue. To meet this difficulty he suggested that the Powers should sanction a moderate increase of the Customs duties, which were now kept at a very low level under the provisions of the Berlin Act. If a Conference of the Powers interested should be called together, it would not be with any hostile feel

ing, but with a desire to assist Belgium to put her house in order.

A Nationalist member-Mr. Nolan (South Louth)-was found to defend King Leopold and the Administration, and to impute the instigation of the charges to interested parties in Liverpool; and, after other speeches, Sir E. Grey stated the views of the Government. In the debate no one, he was glad to say, had said anything which Belgium could regard as disrespectful. We, who all along had been Belgium's best friends, were firmly of opinion that sooner or later there must be a change of system in the Congo State, and the most natural course would be to transfer the government of the State to the Belgian Government. He believed that the present Belgian Government was not less favourable to freedom than its predecessor, and that it desired to approach the question with a view to a satisfactory solution. He proposed to wait to see what the scheme of annexation would be. The rights both of the Belgian Government and of the Belgian Parliament must be respected, and there should be no pressure from outside. If the Belgian Government took over the Congo State with real responsibility-and he could not think that they would take it over with a mere nominal responsibility-publicity would be secured and abuses would be exposed to the light. If Belgium should seek financial relief from the Treaty Powers, the British Government would be ready to listen to her representations. While we were ready to wait to see what the scheme of annexation would be, we were not prepared to wait indefinitely, and if the Belgian solution were to break down, we should be ready to issue invitations to the Powers to a Conference, if such invitations were likely to be well received, and readier still to respond to the invitation of another Power. But anything in the nature of a forced Conference would be more likely to unsettle matters than to be beneficial. We had no designs on the Congo State. Failing Belgian action, which was what he wished to see, we should be ready to recognise any system which would secure to the Congo good government.

A renewal of the complaints regarding the importation into the Transvaal of 259 Chinese for whom licences had not been obtained was met by Mr. Churchill with the explanation that they had been imported through some error in the office of the Superintendent of Foreign Labour, and induced Mr. Lyttelton to remark that these "imported slaves" still remained in the Transvaal, and would have revolted had they been ordered to leave.

Mr. Pirie (Aberdeen, N.) then drew attention to the constitution of the Scottish Grand Committee, which he declared inadequate to Scottish expectations of devolution. Mr. John Ward (Stoke) remarked that the rate of progress in the business of the House had fallen off, and asked if there was to be an autumn session. This the Prime Minister declared him

self desirous of avoiding, inasmuch as it both inconvenienced members and occupied the departmental officials with the Bills in progress to the prejudice of those of the next year. At the same time, he declared that the Government intended to pass the measures foreshadowed, but the order must be decided year by year.

The motion for the Whitsuntide adjournment having been agreed to, Mr. Silcock (Wells, Somerset) moved a resolution asking for further State support for secondary schools, with local control, or at least adequate local representation on the governing body, of all secondary schools and training colleges receiving support from public funds; and also that such schools and colleges should be freed from sectarian tests. After several speeches, Mr. McKenna, President of the Board of Education, declared that his Board would carry out the resolution so far as its administrative powers permitted. An additional Treasury grant for secondary education would be distributed among schools conforming to the new conditions-viz., a majority of representative managers and non-interference with freedom of conscience either in the staff or the governing body. If fees were charged they must be approved by the Board, and there must be an adequate number of places, generally 25 per cent., for public elementary school children. For training colleges, freedom of admission for every applicant irrespective of religious opinions, would be secured by administrative action next year.

After some more or less friendly criticism by Sir William Anson (Oxford University) and other members, the resolution was withdrawn, and the House broke up for the recess next day, May 16.

The second period of the session left the Ministry in a less satisfactory position than the first. Their bad start with Irish legislation (p. 6) had not been redeemed by the Irish Councils Bill; the disorder in the grazing districts of Ireland was being made much of by Unionists; the Colonial Conference and the Budget together had brought Tariff Reform more to the front; and the huge majority obtained by Mr. Chaplin in the Wimbledon division (May 14) over an independent Liberal supporter of women suffrage-the Hon. Bertrand Russell, brother of Earl Russell-though primarily a defeat for the women suffragists, was claimed as a victory for Tariff Reform and "Imperial ideas." The women suffragists did their best otherwise to embarrass the Government, at bye-elections and Liberal meetings, e.g., that of the Home Counties Liberal Federation at the Alexandra Palace on May 15 (where Mr. Haldane reviewed the general situation hopefully), but their opposition was far less serious than the discontent already referred to of advanced Liberals and Labourites with the policy of the Government on the Continent, in India, and in Egypt, with its failure to relieve the Passive Resisters, and, among the more Socialist element, with the attitude of Mr. John Burns towards the unemployed.

The middle classes seemed likely to be estranged from the Government by the continuance of the shilling income tax, and conciliated but imperfectly by the proposed reductions; and the forecasts of the Ministerial plan for dealing with the House of Lords represented it as too moderate to rouse Radical enthusiasm. But the Opposition were still divided on Tariff Reform and uncertain as to their own positive policy.

CHAPTER IV.

Echoes of the Conference-Colonial Premiers' Opinions on it-Mr. Winston Churchill's Comments at Edinburgh-Indirect Results; Transvaal Guaranteed Loan; Viscount Milner on Liberal Policy in South Africa; Federal Conference on Education-Irish Councils Bill; Rejection by Irish National Convention-Reassembling of the House of Commons; Prisons Vote-Vaccination Bill-Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill; the Cost-Small Holdings Bill -Lord Lansdowne on the Prime Minister's Speech at Drury Lane-Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill; Committee begun-Criminal Appeal Bill; Second Reading-Course of Business; Statement by the Premier National Liberal Federation at Plymouth; the Premier's Speech-Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill; Committee-Indian Budget-Disorder in Ireland; Debate in the Lords; Mr. Balfour at the Albert Hall; Friction between Liberals and Irish-Small Holdings Bill-Anglo-Spanish and Franco-Spanish Agreements -Cordite-Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill; Report Stage and Third Reading-Ministers and Government Contracts-The Government and South Africa-The Government and the Lords; a Blocking Motion; Debate-Mr. Balfour on the Scheme-The Lords and the Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill Earl Roberts on National Service Work of the Board of Trade; Commerce and Railways; Post Office Telegraphs and Telephones-Finance Bill Committee; the Tea Duty The Death Duties Irish University

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Education-Irish Land Purchase-The Financial Outlook-The Jarrow Election-State of the Navy-Evicted Tenants Bill, Second Reading-The Government and the Sugar Duties-Land Values (Scotland) Bill-The Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill in the Lords-Debate on the Education Vote -Sir Edward Grey on Macedonia-Mr. Lea on Party Funds and HonoursVote of Censure on the Government for Rejecting Colonial Preference-Home Office Vote; the Edalji Case-Colne Valley Election-Territorial and Reserve Forces Bill-Qualification of Women Bill-The County Magistracy-University Reform Educational Administration; Deputation to the Prime Minister; Debates in both Houses Evicted Tenants Bill, Committee and Report-Irish Estimates-The Premier on the Programme-Third Reading of the Finance Bill-Debate on Pension to Earl Cromer- The Evicted Tenants Bill Passes the Commons-Debate on the Navy - The King Inspects the Home Fleet-He Visits the German and Austrian Emperors-Debate on Foreign Affairs in the Commons-The Lords and the Congo Expediting Legislation - The House of Lords on the National Finances and on the Evicted Tenants Bill-The Scottish Land Bill in the Lords-Small Holdings Bill; Report-The Belfast Riots-The Appropriation Bill; Debate in the Commons-Position of the Land Bills-Small Holdings Bill Passes the Commons-Its Reception in the Lords-The Deceased Wife's Sister Bill-Minor Measures-The Transvaal Loan-The Nigerian RailwayThe P. & O. Contract-The Land Values (Scotland) Bill Passes the Commons-The Evicted Tenants Bill Returns - Fate of the Scottish Small Landholders Bill-The Land Values Bill Rejected in the Lords-Compromises on the other Land Bills-Close of the Session; the King's SpeechSummary.

THE echoes of the Conference continued to resound throughout the brief Whitsun recess. A section of the Unionist Press persistently pronounced it a failure and a fiasco, laying the

blame at the door of the Government, and questioning the good faith and accuracy of the official précis. Such questioning, however, was silenced by the appearance of the full report on June 5. The Colonial Ministers themselves took a less unfavourable view. Most of them left England between May 18 and 21, and expressed their opinions on their departure. They were generally disappointed at the rejection of Preference by the Home Government-Sir Joseph Ward, however, declaring that he never expected anything else but held that the Conference would promote the ultimate success of their aims; and that its general indirect results were of the highest value.

The action of the Unionist Press was vigorously denounced by Mr. Winston Churchill in a Liberal demonstration at Edinburgh on Saturday, May 18. Liberal members, he said, had to confront a powerful and unscrupulous Press organisation, which misrepresented every action and motive of the Government, and sought to produce by the basest means a reaction against Liberalism. However, the Liberal platform could beat that Press again. After expressing his confidence that, by sound Gladstonian and Peelite methods of finance, considerable funds could be raised for old-age pensions, and declaring that at the Conference the Government had "banged, bolted, and barred the door against Imperial taxation of food," he remarked that the Premiers were the guests of the Government, and as such under obligations imposed by the laws of hospitality-an expression which gave great offence among Unionists. A question in the House, however, brought out the fact that the Colonial Premiers had been so described officially in 1902.

was

Among the indirect results, however, might be counted the promise obtained by General Botha of an Imperial guarantee for a Transvaal loan of 5,000,000l. This excited considerable apprehension among Opposition members. It was freely asserted that the guarantee was a return for a promise to repatriate the Chinese, which, however, was regarded as impossible of fulfilment in view of the depression in the Transvaal, which such a step would intensify. The assertion of a "bargain promptly contradicted in the House, but reappeared during the debate on the Loan Bill (August 19). Meanwhile Viscount Milner, in a speech at a demonstration in favour of closer union for trade and defensive purposes with the Colonies, held at York, on May 31, ascribed to the Government's South African policy the "absolutely unrelieved gloom" of the financial situation in the Transvaal, dismissed the Canadian precedent of the grant of self-government after rebellion as irrelevant, since in the Transvaal there was no parallel to the British Ontario which balanced the non-British Quebec, and declared that after the next election in Cape Colony the British population of South Africa would be, under a semblance of equality, the "underdog." He stated that our generosity was interpreted in the Transvaal as tardy repentance for the war, and deplored the