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of an ancient family settled at Beriton, near Peters- had long been meditating some historical work, and field, Hampshire. Of delicate health, young EDWARD whilst at Rome, October 15, 1764, his choice was GIBBON was privately educated, and at the age of determined by an incident of a striking and romantic fifteen he was placed at Magdalen college, Oxford. nature. "As I sat musing,' he says, amidst the He was almost from infancy a close student, but ruins of the Capitol, while the barefooted friars his indiscriminate appetite for books "subsided by were singing vespers in the temple of Jupiter, the degrees in the historic line.' He arrived at Ox- idea of writing the decline and fall of the city first ford, he says, with a stock of erudition that might started to my mind.' Many years, however, elapsed have puzzled a doctor, and a degree of ignorance before he realised his intentions. On returning to of which a schoolboy would have been ashamed. England in 1765, he seems to have been fashionable He spent fourteen months at college idly and un- and idle; his father died in 1770, and he then began profitably, as he himself states; and, studying the to form the plan of an independent life. The estate works of Bossuet and Parsons the Jesuit, he became left him by his father was much involved in debt, a convert to the Roman Catholic religion. He went and he determined on quitting the country and reto London, and at the feet of a priest, on the 8th of siding permanently in London. He then underJune 1753, he solemnly, though privately, abjured took the composition of the first volume of his histhe errors of heresy.' His father, in order to reclaim tory. At the outset,' he remarks, all was dark him, placed him for some years at Lausanne, in and doubtful ; even the title of the work, the true Switzerland, under the charge of M. Pavilliard, a era of the decline and fall of the empire, the limits Calvinist clergyman, whose judicious conduct pre- of the introduction, the division of the chapters, vailed upon his pupil to return to the bosom of the and the order of the narrative; and I was often Protestant church. On Christmas day, 1754, he tempted to cast away the labour of seven years. received the sacrament in the Protestant church at The style of an author should be the image of Lausanne. It was here,' says the historian, 'that his mind, but the choice and command of lar guage I suspended my religious inquiries, acquiescing with is the fruit of exercise. Many experiments were implicit belief in the tenets and mysteries which made before I could hit the middle tone between a are adopted by the general consent of Catholics and dull tone and a rhetorical declamation : three times Protestants.' At Lausanne a regular and severe did I compose the first chapter, and twice the second system of study perfected Gibbon in the Latin and
and third, before I was tolerably satisfied with their effect. In the remainder of the way, I advanced with a more equal and easy pace.'
In 1774 he was returned for the borough of Liskeard, and sat in parliament eight sessions during the memorable contest between Great Britain and America. Prudence, he says, condemned him to acquiesce in the humble station of a mute; the great speakers filled him with despair, the bad ones with terror. Gibbon, however, supported by his vote the administration of Lord North, and was by this nobleman appointed one of the lords commissioners of trade and plantations. In 1776 the first quarto volume of his history was given to the world. Its success was almost unprecedented for a grave historical work: 'the first impression was exhausted in a few days; a second and third edition was scarcely adequate to the demand; and the bookseller's property was twice invaded by the pirates of Dublin : the book was on every table, and almost on every toilette.' His brother historians, Robertson and Hume, generously greeted him with warm applause. Whether I consider the dignity of your style,' says Hume,
the depth of your matter, or the extensiveness of your learning, I must regard the work as equally the object of esteem. There was another bond of sympathy between the English and the Scottish historian: Gibbon had insidiously, though too unequivocally, evinced his adoption of infidel principles. The various modes of worship which pre vailed in the Roman world were all,' he remarks,
considered by the people as equally true, by the Edward Gibbon.
philosopher as equally false, and by the magistrate
as equally useful.' Some feeling of this kind conFrench languages, and in a general knowledge of stituted the whole of Gibbon's religious belief: the literature. In 1758 he returned to England, and philosophers of France had triumphed over the three years afterwards appeared as an author in a lessons of the Calvinist minister of Lausanne, and slight French treatise, an Essay on the Study of the historian seems never to have returned to the Literature. He accepted the commission of captain faith and the humility of the Christian. In the in the Hampshire militia ; and though his studies fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of his work he gave were interrupted, the discipline and evolutions of an account of the growth and progress of Chrisa modern battle,' he remarks, 'gave him a clearer tianity, which he accounted for solely by secondary notion of the phalanx and the legion, and the cap-causes, without reference to its divine origin. A tain of the Hampshire grenadiers was not useless to number of answers were written to these memorable the historian of the Roman empire.' On the peace chapters, the only one of which that has kept posof 1762, Gibbon was released from his military session of the public is the reply by Dr Watson, duties, and paid a visit to France and Italy. He bishop of Llandaff, entitled ' An Apology for Chris.
tianity.' Gibbon's method of attacking our faith has that I wrote the last lines of the last page in å been well described by Lord Byron, as
summer-house in my garden. After laying down
my pen, I took several turns in a berceau, or covered Sapping a solemn creed with solemn sneer,
The lord of irony, that master spell. He nowhere openly avows his disbelief. By tacitly sinking the early and astonishing spread of Christianity during the time of the Apostles, and dwelling with exaggerated colouring and minuteness on the errors and corruption by which it afterwards became debased, the historian in effect conveys an impression that its divine origin is but a poetical fable, like the golden age of the poets, or the mystic absurdities of Mohammedanism. The Christian faith was a bold and successful innovation, and Gibbon hated all innovations. In his after life, he was in favour of retaining even the Inquisition, with its tortures and its tyranny, because it was an ancient institution! Besides the 'solemn sneer' of Gibbon, there is another cardinal defect in his account of the progress of the Christian faith, which has been thus ably pointed out by the Rev. H. H. Milman :
Christianity alone receives no embellishment from the magic of Gibbon's language; his imagination is dead to its moral dignity ; it is kept down by a general tone of jealous disparagement, or neutralised by a painfully elaborate exposition of its darker and degenerate periods. There are occasions, indeed, when its pure and exalted humanity, when its manifestly beneficial influence can compel even him, as it were, to fairness, and kindle his unguarded eloquence to its usual fervour ; but in general he soon
Residence of Gibbon at Lausanne. relapses into a frigid apathy; affects an ostentatiously severe impartiality; notes all the faults of
walk of acacias, which commands a prospect of the Christians in every age with bitter and almost
country, the lake, and the mountains. The air was malignant sarcasm ; reluctantly, and with exception
temperate, the sky was serene, the silver orb of the and reservation, admits their claim to admiration.
moon was reflected from the waters, and all nature This inextricable bias appears even to influence his
was silent. I will not dissemble the first emotions manner of composition. While all the other assail
of joy on the recovery of my freedom, and perhaps ants of the Roman empire, whether warlike or re
the establishment of my fame. But my pride was ligious, the Goth, the Hun, the Arab, the Tartar, Alaric and Attila, Mahomet, and Zingis, and Tamer
soon humbled, and a sober melancholy was spread
over my mind by the idea that I had taken an ever. lane, are each introduced upon the scene almost with
lasting leave of an old and agreeable companion, dramatic animation—their progress related in a full,
and that whatsoever might be the future date of complete, and unbroken yarrative-the triumph of Christianity alone takes the form of a cold and
my history, the life of the historian must be short
and precarious.'* The historian adds two facts critical disquisition. The successes of barbarous en
which have seldom occurred in the composition of ergy and brute force call forth all the consummate skill of composition, while the moral triumphs of
six or even five quartos ; his first rough manuscript. 1 Christian benevolence, the tranquil heroism of en
without an intermediate copy, was sent to the press, durance, the blameless purity, the contempt of guilty
and not a sheet was seen by any person but the fame, and of honours destructive to the human race,
| author and the printer. His lofty style, like that of
Johnson, was, in fact, the image of his mind.' which, had they assumed the proud name of philosophy, would have been blazoned in his brightest
Gibbon went to London to superintend the publiwords, because they own religion as their principle,
cation of his three last volumes, and afterwards sink into narrow asceticism.
| returned to Lausanne, where he resided till 1793.
The glories of Christianity, in short, touch on no chord in the heart of
| The French Revolution had imbittered and divided
| the society of Lausanne ; some of his friends were the writer ; his imagination remains unkindled ; his words, though they maintain their stately and mea- l England. At this time the lady of his most intimate
dead, and he anxiously wished himself again in sured march, have become cool, argumentative, and inanimate. The second and third volumes of the
friend, Lord Sheffield, died, and he hastened to adhistory did not appear till 1781. After their publi
minister consolation : he arrived at Lord Sheffield's
house in London in June 1793. The health of the cation, finding it necessary to retrench his expenditure, and being disappointed of a lucrative place
historian had, however, been indifferent for some which he had hoped for from ministerial patron
time, owing to a long-settled complaint; and, ex
in age, he resolved to retire to Lausanne, where he
hausted by surgical operations, he died without was offered a residence by a friend of his youth pain, and apparently without any sense of his danM. Deyverdun. Here he lived very happily for
ger, on the 16th of January 1794. z about four years, devoting his mornings to com
T In most of the essential qualifications of a his. position, and his evenings to the enlightened and
torian, Gibbon was equal to either Hume or Robertpolished society which had gathered in that situa
son. In some he was superior. He had greater tion. The history was completed at the time and
**The garden and summer-house where he composed are in the circumstances which he has thus stated :
neglected, and the last utterly decayed, but they still show it • It was on the day or rather night of the 27th of as his " cabinet," and seem perfectly aware of his memory. June 1787, between the hours of eleven and twelve, Byron's Letters.
depth and variety of learning, and a more perfect perusal, which allowed me to feel nothing but the command of his intellectual treasures. It was not interest of a narrative, always animated, and, notmerely with the main stream of Roman history that withstanding its extent and the variety of objects he was familiar. All its accessaries and tributaries which it makes to pass before the view, always -the art of war, philosophy, theology, jurisprudence, 1 perspicuous, I entered upon a minute examination geography (down to its minutest point), every shade of the details of which it was composed, and the of manners, opinions, and public character, in Roman opinion which I then formed was, I confess, sin. and contemporaneous history, he had studied with gularly severe. I discovered, in certain chapters, laborious diligence and complete success. Hume errors which appeared to me sufficiently important was elaborate, but it was only with respect to style. and numerous to make me believe that they had Errors in fact and theory were perpetuated through been written with extreme negligence; in others, I every edition, while the author was purifying his was struck with a certain tinge of partiality and periods and weeding out Scotticisms. The labour prejudice, which imparted to the exposition of the of Gibbon was directed to higher objects—to the facts that want of truth and justice which the Engaccumulation of facts, and the collation of ancient lish express by their happy term, misrepresentation. authors. His style, once fixed, remained unaltered. Some imperfect quotations, some passages omitted In erudition and comprehensiveness of intellect, unintentionally or designedly, have cast a suspicion Gibbon may therefore be pronounced the first of on the honesty of the author; and his violation of English historians. The vast range of his subject, the first law of history-increased to my eyes by and the tone of dignity which he preserves through the prolonged attention with which I occupied out the whole of his capacious circuit, also give him myself with every phrase, every note, every refleca superiority over his illustrious rivals. In concen tion-caused me to form on the whole work a judgtrating his information, and presenting it in a clear ment far too rigorous. After having finished my and lucid order, he is no less remarkable, while his | labours, I allowed some time to elapse before I revivid imagination, quickening and adorning his viewed the whole. A second attentive and regular varied knowledge, is fully equal to his other powers. perusal of the entire work, of the notes of the author, He identifies himself with whatever he describes, and of those which I had thought it right to subjoin, and paints local scenery, national costume or man | showed me how much I had exaggerated the imders, with all the force and animation of a native portance of the reproaches which Gibbon really or eye-witness. These solid and bright acquirements deserved: I was struck with the same errors, the of the historian were not, however, without their same partiality on certain subjects ; but I had been drawbacks. His mind was more material or sen far from doing adequate justice to the immensity sual than philosophical-more fond of splendour of his researches, the variety of his knowledge, and, and display than of the beauty of virtue or the above all, to that truly philosophical discrimination grandeur of moral heroism. His taste was vitiated (justesse d'esprit) which judges the past as it would and impure, so that his style is not only deficient in judge the present; which does not permit itself to chaste simplicity, but is disfigured by offensive be blinded by the clouds which time gathers around pruriency and occasional grossness. His lofty ornate the dead, and which prevent us from seeing that diction fatigues by its uniform pomp and dignity, under the toga as under the modern dress, in the notwithstanding the graces and splendour of his senate as in our councils, men were what they still animated narrative. Deficient in depth of moral are, and that events took place eighteen centuries feeling and elevation of sentiment, Gibbon seldom ago as they take place in our days. I then felt touches the heart or inspires true enthusiasm. that his book, in spite of its faults, will always be The reader admires his glittering sentences, his a noble work; and that we may correct his errors, tournaments, and battle-pieces, his polished irony and combat his prejudices, without ceasing to admit and masterly sketches of character; he marvels that few men have combined, if we are not to say at his inexhaustible learning, and is fascinated in so high a degree, at least in a manner so complete by his pictures of military conquest and Asiatic and so well regulated, the necessary qualifications laxury, but he still feels, that, as in the state of for a writer of history.' ancient Rome itself, the seeds of ruin are developed amidst flattering appearances : 'the florid bloom
[Opinion of the Ancient Philosophers on the Immortality but ill conceals the fatal malady which preys upon
of the Soul.] the vitals.** The want of one great harmonising spirit of humanity and genuine philosophy to give The writings of Cicero represent in the most lively unity to the splendid mass, becomes painfully visible colours the ignorance, the errors, and the uncertainty on a calm review of the entire work. After one of the ancient philosophers with regard to the immorattentive study of Gibbon, when the mind has be- tality of the soul. When they are desirous of arming come saturated with his style and manner, we sel-their disciples against the fear of death, they incul. dom recur to his pages excepting for some particu- cate, as an obvious though melancholy position, that lar fact or description. Such is the importance of the fatal stroke of our dissolution releases us from the simplicity and purity in a voluminous narrative, calamities of life; and that those can no longer suffer that this great historian is seldom read but as a who no longer exist. Yet there were a few sages of study, while Hume and Robertson are always per- Greece and Rome who had conceived a more exalted, used as a pleasure.
and in some respects a juster idea of human nature; The work of Gibbon has been translated into though, it must be confessed, that in the sublime inFrench, with notes by M. Guizot, the distinguished quiry, their reason had often been guided by their philosopher and statesman. The remarks of Guizot, imagination, and that their imagination had been with those of Wenck, a German commentator, and prompted by their vanity. When they viewed with numerous original illustrations and corrections, are complacency the extent of their own mental powers; embodied in a fine edition by Mr Milman, in twelve when they exercised the various faculties of memory, volumes, published by Mr Murray, London, in 1838. of fancy, and of judgment, in the most profound M. Guizot has thus recorded his own impressions on speculations, or the most important labours; and when reading Gibbon's history :- After a first rapid they reflected on the desire of fame, which transported
them into future ages, far beyond the bounds of death • Hell on the Causes of the Present Discontents | and of the grave; they were unwilling to confound themselves with the beasts of the field, or to suppose double wall was of a circular form; and such was the that a being, for whose dignity they entertained the rapid increase of a capital now dwindled to a provincial most sincere admiration, could be limited to a spot town, that the funeral of a popular saint might be of earth, and to a few years of duration. With this attended by eight hundred thousand men and sixty favourable prepossession, they summoned to their aid thousand women of Bagdad and the adjacent villages. the science, or rather the language, of metaphysics. In this city of peace, amidst the riches of the east, ” They soon discovered, that as none of the properties | the Abbassides soon disdained the abstinence and !! of matter will apply to the operations of the mind, frugality of the first caliphs, and aspired to emu- 1 the human soul must consequently be a substance | late the magnificence of the Persian kings. After his 1 distinct from the body-pure, simple, and spiritual, wars and buildings, Almansor left behind him in gold 1 incapable of dissolution, and susceptible of a much and silver about thirty millions sterling; and this higher degree of virtue and happiness after the release treasure was exhausted in a few years by the vices or from its corporeal prison. From these specious and virtues of his children. His son Mahadi, in a single noble principles, the philosophers who trod in the pilgrimage to Mecca, expended six millions of dinars footsteps of Plato deduced a very unjustifiable conclu- of gold. A pious and charitable motive may sanctify sion, since they asserted not only the future immor- the foundation of cisterns and caravanseras, which be tality, but the past eternity of the human soul, which distributed along a measured road of seren hundred they were too apt to consider as a portion of the infi- miles; but his train of camels, laden with snow, nite and self-existing spirit, which pervades and sus- could serve only to astonish the natives of Arabia, tains the universe. A doctrine thus removed beyond and to refresh the fruits and liquors of the royal banthe senses and the experience of mankind might serve quet. The courtiers would surely praise the liberality , to amuse the leisure of a philosophic mind; or, in the of his grandson Almamon, who gave away four-fifthis silence of solitude, it might sometimes impart a ray of the income of a province-a sum of two millions of comfort to desponding virtue; but the faint impres- four hundred thousand gold dinars-before he drew sion which had been received in the school was soon his foot from the stirrup. At the nuptials of the same obliterated by the commerce and business of active prince, a thousand pearls of the largest size here !! life. We are sufficiently acquainted with the eminent showered on the head of the bride, and a lottery of persons who flourished in the age of Cicero, and of the lands and houses displayed the capricious bounty of first Cæsars, with their actions, their characters, and fortune. The glories of the court were brightened their motives, to be assured that their conduct in this rather than impaired in the decline of the empire, life was never regulated by any serious conviction of and a Greek ambassador might admire or pity the the rewards or punishments of a future state.* At magnificence of the feeble Moctader. “The caliph's the bar and in the senate of Rome the ablest orators whole army,' says the historian Abulfeda, 'both horse il were not apprehensive of giving offence to their hear- and foot, was under arms, which together made a ers by exposing that doctrine as an idle and extra- | body of one hundred and sixty thousand men. His vagant opinion, which was rejected with contempt state-officers, the favourite slaves, stood near him in by every man of a liberal education and under-splendid apparel, their belts glittering with gold and standing.
gems. Near them were seven thousand eunuchs, four! Since, therefore, the most sublime efforts of philo thousand of them white, the remainder black. The sophy can extend no farther than feebly to point out porters or doorkeepers were in number seven hundred. the desire, the hope, or at most the probability, of a | Barges and boats, with the most superb decorations, future state, there is nothing except a divine reve- were seen swimming upon the Tigris. Nor was the ; lation that can ascertain the existence and describe place itself less splendid, in which were hung up the condition of the invisible country which is des thirty-cight thousand pieces of tapestry, twelre thou tined to receive the souls of men after their separation sand five hundred of which were of silk embroidered from the body,
with gold. The carpets on the floor were twenty-two thousand. A hundred lions were brought out, with !
a keeper to each lion. Among the other spectacles of [The City of Bagdad—Magnificence of the Caliphs.]
rare and stupendous luxury, was a tree of gold and I Almansor, the brother and successor of Saffah, laid silver spreading into eighteen large branches, on the foundations of Bagdad (A.D. 762), the imperial which, and on the lesser boughs, sat a variety of birds seat of his posterity during a reign of five hundred years.
made of the same precious metals, as well as the The chosen spot is on the eastern bank of the Tigris, leaves of the tree. While the machinery affected about fifteen miles above the ruins of Modain: the spontaneous
spontaneous motions, the several birds warbled their
natural harmony. Through this scene of magnificence * This passage of Gibbon is finely illustrated in Hall's
the Greek ambassador was led by the visier to the foot Funeral Sermon for Dr Ryland :
of the caliph's throne. In the west, the Ommiades If the mere conception of the reunion of good men in a
of Spain supported, with equal pomp, the title of future state infused a momentary rapture into the mind of
commander of the faithful. Three miles from CorTully; if an airy speculation, for there is reason to fear it had | dova, in honour of his favourite sultana, the third and little hold on his convictions, could inspire him with such de- greatest of the Abdalrahmans constructed the city, light, what may we be expected to feel who are assured of such palace, and gardens of Zehra. Twenty-five years, and an event by the true sayings of God! How should we rejoice in above three millions sterling, were employed by the the prospect, the certainty rather, of spending a blissful eter- | founder : his liberal taste invited the artists of Connity with those whom we loved on earth, of seeing them stantinople, the most skilful sculptors and architects emerge from the ruins of the tomb, and the deeper ruins of of the age; and the buildings were sustained or the fall, not only uninjured, but refined and perfected, “ with | adorned by twelve hundred columns of Spanish and every tear wiped from their eyes," standing before the throne of
African, of Greek and Italian marble. The hall of God and the Lamb, "in white robes, and palms in their hands,
audience was incrusted with gold and pearls, and a crying with a loud voice, Salvation to God that sitteth upon the
great bason in the centre was surrounded with the throne, and to the Lamb, for ever and ever!" What delight will
curious and costly figures of birds and quadrupeds. it afford to renew the sweet counsel we have taken together, to recount the toils of combat and the labour of the way, and
In a lofty pavilion of the gardens, one of these basons to approach not the house but the throne of God in company,
and fountains, so delightful in a sultry climate, was in order to join in the symphony of heavenly voices, and lose
nished not wil ourselves amidst the splendours and fruitions of the beatifio silver. The seraglio of Abdalrahman, his wives, conision.'
| cubines, and black eunuchs, amounted to six thousand
three hundred persons; and he was attended to the brutal force, they burst the first barrier, but they were field by a guard of twelve thousand horse, whose belts driven back with shame and slaughter to the camp: and scimitars were studded with gold.
the influence of vision and prophecy was deadened by In a private condition, our desires are perpetually the too frequent abuse of those pious stratagems, and repressed by poverty and subordination; but the lives time and labour were found to be the only means of and labours of millions are devoted to the service of victory. The time of the siege was indeed fulfilled in a despotic prince, whose laws are blindly obeyed, and forty days, but they were forty days of calamity and whose wishes are instantly gratified. Our imagina- anguish. A repetition of the old complaint of famine tion is dazzled by the splendid picture ; and what may be imputed in some degree to the voracious or disever may be the cool dictates of reason, there are few orderly appetite of the Franks, but the stony soil of among us who would obstinately refuse a trial of the Jerusalem is almost destitute of water; the scanty comforts and the cares of royalty. It may therefore springs and hasty torrents were dry in the summer seabe of some use to borrow the experience of the same son ; nor was the thirst of the besiegers relieved, as in Abdalrahman, whose magnificence has perhaps excited the city, by the artificial supply of cisterns and aqueour admiration and envy, and to transcribe an authen- ducts. The circumjacent country is equally destitute tic memorial which was found in the closet of the de- of trees for the uses of shade or building, but some ceased caliph. I have now reigned above fifty years large beams were discovered in a cave by the cruin victory or peace; beloved by my subjects, dreaded saders : a wood near Sichem, the enchanted grove of by my enemies, and respected by my allies. Riches Tasso, was cut down : the necessary timber was tranand honours, power and pleasure, have waited on my sported to the camp by the vigour and dexterity of call, nor does any earthly blessing appear to have Tancred; and the engines were framed by some Gebeen wanting to my felicity. In this situation I noese artists, who had fortunately landed in the harhave diligently numbered the days of pure and genu- bour of Jaffa. Two movable turrets were constructed ine happiness which have fallen to my lot: they at the expense and in the stations of the Duke of Loramount to fourteen. O man! place not thy confi raine and the Count of Tholouse, and rolled forwards dence in this present world.'
with devout labour, not to the most accessible but
to the most neglected parts of the fortification. RayConquest of Jerusalem by the Crusaders, A. D. 1099.7 mond's tower was reduced to ashes by the fire of the
besieged, but his colleague was more vigilant and Jerusalem has derived some reputation from the successful; the enemies were driven by his archers number and importance of her memorable sieges. It from the rampart; the drawbridge was let down; and was not till after a long and obstinate contest that on a Friday, at three in the afternoon, the day and Babylon and Rome could prevail against the obsti- hour of the Passion, Godfrey of Bouillon stood vicRacy of the people, the craggy ground that might torious on the walls of Jerusalem. His example was supersede the necessity of fortifications, and the walls followed on every side by the emulation of valour; and towers that would have fortified the most acces, and about four hundred and sixty years after the consible plain. These obstacles were diminished in the quest of Omar, the holy city was rescued from the age of the crusades. The bulwarks had been com- Mohammedan yoke. In the pillage of public and pripletely destroyed and imperfectly restored : the Jews, vate wealth, the adventurers had agreed to respect the their nation and worship, were for ever banished; but exclusive property of the first occupant; and the Dature is less changeable than man, and the site of spoils of the great mosque-seventy lamps and massy Jerusalem, though somewhat softened and somewhat vases of gold and silver-rewarded the diligence and removed, was still strong against the assaults of an displayed the generosity of Tancred. A bloody sacrienemy. By the experience of a recent siege, and a fice was offered by his mistaken votaries to the God three years' possession, the Saracens of Egypt had been of the Christians : resistance might provoke, but taught to discern, and in some degree to remedy, the neither age nor sex could mollify their implacable defects of a place which religion as well as honourrage; they indulged themselves three days in a proforbade them to resign. Aladin or Iftikhar, the miscuous massacre, and the infection of the dead caliph's lieutenant, was intrusted with the defence; bodies produced an epidemical disease. After seventy his policy strove to restrain the native Christians by thousand Moslems had been put to the sword, and the the dread of their own ruin and that of the holy harmless Jews had been burnt in their synagogue, sepulchre ; to animate the Moslems by the assurance they could still reserve a multitude of captives whom of temporal and eternal rewards. His garrison is said interest or lassitude persuaded them to spare. Of to have consisted of forty thousand Turks and Ara- these savage heroes of the cross, Tancred alone bebians; and if he could muster twenty thousand of trayed some sentiments of compassion; yet we may the inhabitants, it must be confessed that the besieged confessed that the besieged praise the more s the more selfish le
ranted were more numerous than the besieging army. Had a capitulation and safe conduct to the garrison of the the diminished strength and numbers of the Latins citadel. The holy sepulchre was now free; and the allowed them to grasp the whole circumference of bloody victors prepared to accomplish their vow. four thousand yards (about two English miles and a Bareheaded and barefoot, with contrite hearts, and in half), to what useful purpose should they have de- a humble posture, they ascended the hill of Calvary scended into the valley of Ben Himmon and torrent amidst the loud anthems of the clergy; kissed the of Cedron, or approached the precipices of the south stone which had covered the Saviour of the world, and east, from whence they had nothing either to and bedewed with tears of joy and penitence the hope or fear? Their siege was more reasonably monument of their redemption. directed against the northern and western sides of the city. Godfrey of Bouillon erected his standard
[Appearance and Character of Mahomet.] on the first swell of Mount Calvary: to the left, as far as St Stephen's gate, the line of attack was con- According to the tradition of his companions, Matinued by Tancred and the two Roberts; and Count homet was distinguished by the beauty of his personRaymond established his quarters from the citadel to an outward gift which is seldom despised, except by the foot of Mount Sion, which was no longer included those to whom it has been refused. Before he spoke, within the precincts of the city. On the fifth day, the orator engaged on his side the affections of a pubthe crusaders made a general assault, in the fanatic lic or private audience. They applauded his comhope of battering down the walls without engines, and manding presence, his majestic aspect, his piercing of scaling them without ladders. By the dint of eye, his gracious smile, his flowing beard, his counte