and combinations both forward and (with the permission of the Commission) backward from a competitive terminal point, — all are allowed within the limits of this discretionary statute. All that is accomplished by rulings under the fourth section is to substitute blanket rates for rates that disregard distance still more violently.

In many cases the Commission, acting under its general powers, has gone farther than this. It has limited the extent of single blanket rates when that seemed excessive, and has prescribed rates of its own making in the form of modified distance scales. But this work tho of the utmost interest, is beyond the bounds of the present study.

Secondly, it seems that the Commission's ideal has much to do with the efficiency to be gained by placing the country's industries in the situations most favorable for them, and less to do with preventing the losses in transportation efficiency that come directly from wasteful carriage, in ways made familiar by Professor Ripley's analysis.1 And, thirdly, one cannot but wonder whether the shifting to the carriers of the burden of proving that rates to intermediate points are reasonable may not have been, during the months that are past, a more effective weapon in lowering these rates than it can ever be again. For the attorneys of the railroads cannot fail to learn better and better now to support this burden of proof, as the Federal Department of Justice in enforcing the Sherman Act had to learn, through the fiasco of the Knight case, how to prove to the courts that an illegal combination existed, and emerged at the end successful.

J. M. CLARK.

AMHERST COLLEGE.

1 Railroads: Rates and Regulation, as cited.

INDUSTRY IN PISA IN THE EARLY

FOURTEENTH CENTURY

SUMMARY

--

Pisa's commercial greatness and prosperity, 339. - Her decline at the end of the thirteenth century, 340.- Industrial organization in the early fourteenth century, 341. Its mature form, 341. The gilds, 341.— The unorganized crafts, 347. — The crafts, organized but dependent, 348. - Industrial regulation by the gilds, 349. — By the city, Study of the woolen industry, 353. — The Curia Mercatorum, - The Arte della Lane, 355. — The domestic system in the shell of the old gild organization, 356. Conclusion, 358.

350.

354.

Up to the present time, our knowledge of Italian economic history in the early Renaissance is slight. There are the studies of Poehlmann, Doren,' and Davidsohn for Florence, of Broglio d'Anjano 4 for Venice, and of Schaube 5 for Pisa, but practically nothing of value besides. This is not due to the lack of available printed sources; for the printed Statuti of the Italian cities contain a mass of material which will amply repay investigation. As an example of what can be done from the printed sources I have made this study from the Statuti of Pisa, a contribution toward a fuller knowledge of the industrial side of Italian economic history.

1 Poehlmann, R, Die wirthschaftspolitik der florenentiner renaissance und das princip der verkehrsfreiheit.

: Doren, A, Studien aus der florentiner wirthschaftsgeschichte. Davidsohn, R, Geschichte von Florenz.

• Broglio d'Anjano, R, Die Venetianische seidenindustrie und ihre organization bis zum Ausgang des mittelalters.

Schaube, A, Das Konsulat des Meeres in Pisa.

The Library of Harvard University has recently acquired a large collection of

Italian Statuti, numbering nearly four hundred volumes.

7 Statuti Pisani, edited by Francesco Bonaini in three volumes, Florence, 1854-70.

Pisa began her expansion before the first Crusade. In company with Genoa she had cleared the Tyrrhenian Sea of Saracens, and a victory over the Muslims in North Africa in 1087 opened the rich trade of North Africa. But in the next two decades came still greater expansion. The Pisans were pushing and ambitious. They used the Crusades early for their own commercial advantage. Their fleet, on which sailed the Archbishop of Pisa himself, the great Daibertus, was among the first to reach the Holy Land during the First Crusade. Only by its help was Jerusalem taken; and in return for this aid, the Pisans secured a quarter in Joppa, the port of Jerusalem. During the next five years, Pisan fleets aided in the conquest of many a city; the rewards were trading rights and quarters. The stately array of charters and grants of rights and quarters in Laodicea, Antioch, Tyre, Joppa, Jerusalem, Tripoli, and Acre,' made and constantly reaffirmed to her consuls throughout the twelfth century, show the extent of her commerce and power. Moreover she had favorable commercial treaties with the Greek Emperor and the Kings of Busa 2 and Tunis, which opened Constantinople and the whole of North Africa to her merchants in the thirteenth century.

The

The proofs of her wealth remain to this day. Cathedral, far away from the markets and shops and busy wharves, was begun in 1118, the great wall in 1142, and the Baptistry in 1153. Even Villani, Florentine tho he was, concedes her greatness and wealth. Under the date of 1282 he writes, "At this time there were more powerful and rich citizens in Pisa than in any other city in Italy. The Pisans were lords of

1 For these charters see Flaminio dal Borgo, Diplomi Pisani, pp. 85 to 103 inclusive. * Ibid., p. 173.

Ibid., p. 210.

Ibid., p. 213.

Sardinia, of Corsica and of Elba, and their private revenues as well as those of the commune were immense. It may be said that their ships had command of the sea. In the town of Acre, they were most powerful, and were related to many of the rich burgers there." 1

By the beginning of the fourteenth century, Pisa had passed the zenith of her greatness. In 1284, Genoa defeated her in the battle of Meloria. Her fleet was destroyed, thousands of her citizens killed, and at least 9,272 taken prisoners to Genoa and kept there for years.2 Close upon this defeat came civil war, a papal interdict, and an alliance of Genoa, Lucca and Florence against the city. Her commerce declined.3 Yet Italian cities have always shown a great power of recuperation, and Pisa is no exception. Twenty-six years after Meloria, when Henry VII announced his coming into Italy, the city sent to him the sum of 60,000 ducats from the city treasury, and promised a like sum when he should enter Italy. During Henry's campaign in Italy in 1312-13, Pisa was one of his chief allies and aids."

During the centuries of the city's great commercial expansion and activity, there had gone on a development of industrial organization of which we know very little. It is not surprising, however, to find, in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, the organiza

1 Giovanni Villari, Cronica, vol. i, p. 416.

2 Villari, History of Florence, vol, i, p. 280. inscription on the church of St. Matteo at Genoa.

The basis for these figures is the
At the end of Bonaini's first volume

there is a fac-simile reproduction of this inscription in color.

Schaube, A., Das Konsulat des Meeres in Pisa, p. 52. He considers the decrease of the number of men in the greater council of the Ordo Maris, the important commer cial maritime gild, from 76 in 1286 to 24 in 1300, a very strong proof of commercial decline.

• For illustrations of the recuperative powers of the Italian cities, see the stories of the conflicts between Venice and Genoa in Horatio Brown, Venice, an Historical Sketch.

Albertinus Mussatus, in Muratori, Rer. Ital. SS., vol. x, p. 334.
Ibid., p. 411.

tion of industry in what may be called a mature form. Not only was the form of industrial organization mature, but this organization had become fossilized, so that any new development had to proceed under the shell of the old system. This happened, as will be shown presently, in the woolen industry.

The industry of the city was centered in the Arte della Lane, or Wool Gild, and the seven craft gilds which made up the Septem Artes.1 The Arte della Lane and two gilds of merchants, the Curia Mercatorum and the Ordo Maris,2 composed the Tres Ordines.

This division of the gilds into two groups we find in Florence also. The Tres Ordines of Pisa correspond to the seven greater gilds of Florence; and the Septem Artes of Pisa to the fourteen lesser Florentine gilds. The line of division is probably the distinction between the "popolo grasso" and the "popolo minuto" in each city. The seven craft gilds in Pisa were the gilds of the Smiths, the Skinners, the Shoemakers, the Tanners, the Butchers, the Vintners and the Notaries.

At the head of each gild, exercising a general oversight over the gild, were consuls or captains. They varied in number: in the Wool Gild there were three; the Butchers had six; and the Vintners four. Their election is interesting, in that it shows a clinging to the older forms of democracy, after the substance had gone, - an indication of the maturity of the organization. Sometime in December, the gildsmen assembled in a church, the Skinners, for instance, in the church of St. Laurentius, the Vintners in St. Lonardus, the Tanners

1 This name is used in two senses: as a general name for the seven gilds, and as a specific name for the incorporated union of the gilds which was made in 1305.

With these two gilds of merchants I shall not deal. The Ordo Maris has been carefully studied by Adolf Schaube in Das Konsulat des Meeres in Pisa, to which I have already referred. No study has been made of the Curia Mercatorum, which was composed of merchants trading by land.