war indefinitely, and reduced to vassalage | undertook it with a bad conscience barely those who refused the war-tax or neglect- from the point of honour to their allies. ed to furnish ships. It is unknown who Any slight concession from Pericles first openly began the career of arbitrary would have averted it; but he deliberrule. Everything was at the mercy of ately plunged into the war, knowing the one or two officials in Athens, unless the Athenian alliance to be already rotten, common interests of the allies were de- yet expecting to prevail by naval skill, and cided by common councils. The Attic by resources wrung from unwilling and cultivators could not hurry up to Athens distant subjects. With mere patience to discuss and vote on pressing affairs. and prudence, the leadership of all The presiding general was able to colour Greece must have fallen to Athens; for foreign facts to the citizens who were in the Spartans were too rigid and unconAthens itself, and by aid of their vote he genial to compete with her. Indeed, shielded his own measures under the though she had neither patience nor pruname of the Athenian people. Public dence, yet in the forty-eight years subserumour or a private messenger alone con- quent to the retreat of Xerxes, with all veyed news; no written despatches were her foibles and errors, she was perpetusent home by Athenian generals; no bul-ally winning upon her rival. In place of letins were published by magistrates. this steady progress, Pericles chose conEven an English Parliament collectively vulsive and uncertain war. Knowing feels itself too ignorant in foreign affairs that he could not contend with the enemy to control the Executive, except in some in the open field, he summoned the citi great impending calamity; much more in zens from all Attica into the city and long Athens was a trusted official omnipotent. walls of Athens, where, in the heat of Pericles, in removing the treasury from summer, they huddled together in little Delos to Athens, deprived himself (as rooms and stifling tents. A terrible Plutarch remarks) of the plausible ex- plague followed, which is treated as an cuse that the removal was necessary for inscrutable accident. Nothing but Sparthe safety of the treasure; for he plainly tan want of enterprise saved Athens laid down the principle that “Athens was from immediate and total ruin. Pericles not bound to give account of the money is praised for his legacy of prudent counto the allies; but it was enough if she sel; but he himself made prudence improtected them from the Persians." possible, when he set Athens to gamble Nothing indeed was left for him but to at high hazards for a brilliant stake. Sucbrazen it out, when he was spending the cesses were then as sure to intoxicate as trust-money in embellishing the city of failure to be ruinous. The Athenians the trustees. Probably he was not the came out of the war a changed people, first to use the words Tribute in place having become accustomed to live on of Contribution, Empire for Leadership, State pay; so corrupted, that thenceforSubjects for Allies; but he first blazoned ward an upright solid democracy was imthe change before men's eyes, and de- possible. To Greece at large the moral fended it as rightful. When a Pericles evils of the war were still worse; for it was found to preach such doctrine and opened a civil contest of frightful bitteract upon it, a Cleon was sure to follow ness in every State except Athens and with sanguinary revenge against refrac- Sparta. Murder and exile of neighbours, tory allies, and an Alcibiades to avow and every form of cruelty, were too comthat because the Empire had become a mon to record in detail. If Pericles had Tyranny, it must be kept by the strong not had many great and noble and spehand. Nay, but Athens had no organ- cious qualities, the Athenians would not ized armies equal to such a task. Good have submitted to enter this fatal war will had won supremacy; only good will against their own will and judgment. If could keep it. Pericles had died earlier, and Kimon had lived longer, the whole history would have been changed.

Plato assails Pericles as the corrupter of his countrymen, and Plutarch's facts so terribly chime in, that denial seems impossible. But that Pericles was the true ruiner of the Athenian leadership. his contemporary and panegyrist Thucydides demonstrates against his own intention and will. The people of Athens (he tells us) dreaded the Peloponnesian war; the Spartans did not wish for it, but

To the contemporary historian the picture of brutal cruelty, perfidy, malice, the breach of all ties, whether of blood, of country, or of oaths, presented a picture of unrelieved gloom. Atrocity had become too common to surprise or to cause shuddering. Indeed, if moral sentiment were only stereotyped on man from with

and other purposes. Once more a maritime league began to form itself round Athens as the centre, and we read with astonishment the ease with which Conon and Iphicrates and Timotheus, son of Conon, add city after city to the Athenian alliance. But in this second and wholly spontaneous movement of the smaller States, moral qualities were again lacking in the leading city. The Athenian people, or those whom they elected to office, did not understand that their Ionian kinsmen had no intention of becoming vassals, however desirous of free and equal union. We have no details of the quarrel; we only know that a sad and scandalous war against the Asiatic allies arose, in which Athens was beaten : and this, just at the crisis when all her strength was needed to resist the Macedonian power.

out, and did not grow up irrepressibly | years later, instead of a republican league, from within, our race could never recover Philip II. of Macedon "grew up " against from such times. But when twenty Greece. years had passed, it might be discerned, But Sparta disgusted most of the that though Athens never could be to Greek cities, alike in Europe and in Greece what she had been, Greece col- Asia, by the rude manners and violent lectively was in a far more hopeful and conduct of her officers. The political forward state. Political movement now oppression under Athens was forgotten, actuated whole populations which had and the popular manners of the Athenibeen torpid and stagnant, Sparta so ans again began to win Greek hearts. quickly abused her power that a reaction The King of Persia, indignant at the of sentiment ensued, democracy reared Spartan inroads on his territories, deits head, and many new combinations sired to raise up Athens as a balance of were imagined. Thebes became demo- power in Greece, and supplied the Athecratic, and tried to establish an indepen-nian Conon with money for shipbuilding dent league of Boeotia. There was also a Phocian league, a Thessalian league, and even a Byzantine league. Presently came an alliance of Thebes and Athens, and an attempt, very new to Greece, to fuse Corinth and Argos into a single political community. Each city-State felt its extreme weakness in isolation: UNION was the key-note of all the separate movements. Most remarkable perhaps of all was the league of Olynthus in Thrace, to which our histories do not appear to direct adequate attention. Its permanence would have made the growth of Macedonia into an overwhelming empire impossible, and would have saved the liberties of Greece. This league rapidly took up not only the numerous Ionian colonies on that coast, but also some native Thracian communities which were free from kings. In it was comprised the celebrated Athenian colony Amphipolis, the loss of which in the Peloponnesian war was a permanent fretting sore to Athens. The Olynthian power had begun even to encroach on Macedonia, so that King Amyntas had to yield to it town after town. It looked as if in Macedonia also republican federation would prevail. But the news reached the south of Greece that a great power was growing up in the north. Sparta had for nearly thirty years become accustomed to distant naval expeditions and enterprising war, especially under Lysander and Agesilaus, and to her a powerful league sounded like a powerful enemy. "A mighty affair," it was said, "is growing up in Greece." No time, it seemed, was to be lost. On no other occasion in history did Sparta act so quickly and so boldly. Having The Theban league fell into deadly advantage in her fleet, and in the support contest with Sparta, who had treacherof the King of Macedonia, she displayed ously seized and garrisoned the Theban against the Olynthian league rashness citadel. Violent resentment was not satcombined with pertinacity, and by mili- isfied with the expulsion of the garrison. tary successes crushed the rising union. A war followed which the celebrated The consequence was, that twenty-five Epaminondas carried into the heart

Before this a Thessalian league had been organized so highly, and had raised armies of horse and foot, and ships of war, on such a scale, that its elected leader, Jason, regarded himself as the chief person in Greece. His power reached into Epirus: he made the Thebans his allies, and after the battle of Leuctra condescended to mediate for the benefit of the Spartans. But he was assassinated by seven young men, of whom five escaped and (says Xenophon) received such honour in Greek cities, that the murder must be ascribed to the fears which Jason inspired. This is a remarkable tale; and indicates the energy of union which was then at work in regions which, fifty years earlier, were unheard of as powers in the political contests.

of Sparta's resources. He drew off all sired cementer of Grecian union. It was Peloponnesus from the alliance, and very hard to resist him, when he had founded the city Megalopolis as a centre added Thrace to Macedonia, with very for Arcadia. Such were the results of little resistance from Greece; the Oiynhis defeat of the Spartans in the critical thian league having been dissolved, and battle of Leuctra. The loss of Sparta in Athens being both feeble and preoccuthat battle (400 citizens) would have pied. With an impracticable Sparta beseemed to any other principal State of hind, there was no longer time for the Greece a bearable calamity; but falling gradual cohesion of many leagues into on an aristocracy which could scarcely one vigorous executive. It was far bettrust the middle classes better than the ter to accept Philip constitutionally, than slaves, it was quite irretrievable. Sparta to be conquered by him. By selling the had already shown her moral inability to Phocian people into slavery, he gave wield and retain the central force of the warning how cruel on a great scale he Greeks; she now was exhibited as physi- could be, where policy suggested. Yet cally weak also. Henceforward she ex-in temperament he was mild and couristed only as a quaint, useless, and nox-teous; and to Athens it is thought he ious monument of effete institutions; was especially well disposed. His posipowerless for good, noxious by imped-tion was peculiar. His dynasty was ing new combinations. But neither was purely Greek. He was acknowledged to the Theban league, which succeeded to be a "Heracleid" by descent, and as a her power, morally competent to lead the pure Greek had the right of competing Greeks. Epaminondas was a man of for prizes at the Olympian games; but rare virtue, like Aristides; but he fell in his people were esteemed barbaric, and battle, and no Theban arose worthy of their language scarcely Greek. Philip the opportunity. Thebes had risen too was undoubtedly proud of his Greek suddenly: her ascendency was very soon blood. To be conquered by such a offensive, and again it seemed that no prince, could not but be to Greek cities a State had the requisite moral qualities bitter mortification; yet even that would for leadership. 'Apxǹ Tòv uvdpa dɛişɛi, “Rule have been to Greece at large an evil imwill display the man," was the sentiment measurably less than to fall under Perof Bias. When Athens, Sparta, and sians or Romans. On the other hand, if Thebes had all failed from refusing to they could freely accept him as leader, treat their allies with equality, some will with a reserve of all their local laws and say, "The age was not morally advanced liberties, it would save them from intesenough for it; the thing was morally im- tine war, and strengthen them against the possible; failure was predestined." Yet, foreigner. Philip was eager to be recogto believe this, seems quite unreasonable, nized as chief captain of Greece, leader when in the next century the semi-bar- of her armies against Persia. To fight barous and piratical Ætolians set up a one campaign in this character would league and extended it by violence, yet draw after it fixed relations with all admitted into full equality the men whom Greece, and make him a constitutional they overpowered, and treated all public suzerain. His leadership could undoubtinterests by a public assembly, freely edly be admitted without the sacrifice of electing their yearly leaders without dis-reasonable freedom. Such consideratinction of district from district. Out of tions prevailed in spite of Demosthenes. this rose their power and prosperity. The battle of Charonæa had silenced This was what the Just Aristides desired him; and all Greece, except Sparta, the Athenians to do, but the subtle and un-opened its ears to Philip. A congress principled Themistocles thwarted and un- was summoned to Corinth, in order to dermined him, whose policy Pericles fol- accept him as leader, and make needful lowed; otherwise Athenians were surely arrangements. But before the congress capable of being as virtuous as Ætolians.met, Philip fell by the attack of an assasBut it is not wonderful that, after seeing sin, who was aggrieved in a private quarso many failures, calm-judging and broad- rel. In such assassination I see no inthinking men, like Isocrates (whom Niebuhr calls "a consummate fool "), became persuaded that a king like Philip of Macedon would, after all, be the best leader for Greece.

evitable destiny," but account it a calamitous accident, funereal to Greece. It let loose the energy of his wild and wonderful son, and led to the conquest of Persia in the mode least desirable to Greece.

It was natural to suspect that Persian

His

management suborned the assassination, | would take what is won, and avoid the though adequate reasons of personal re- infinite uncertainties of longer war." sentment are assigned for the deed. But The first substantial concession would it deserves remark that Arrian (ii. 14) pro- have satisfied him, because (and this is fesses to lay before us a letter of Alexan- the main point) he had the heart of a der to Darius, in which he not only Greek; he did not want to be estranged charges the Persians with the murder of from the Greek world. Success in Asia Philip, but says that "the Persians them- was coveted by him, to glorify and estabselves had boasted of it in public edicts." lish his supremacy in Greece. Pæonia Be this as it may, we cannot doubt that a and Illyria, Europe as far as the Balkân, Greek invasion of Persia was a fact pre- or, it may be, as high as the Danube, destined. The younger Cyrus so well would be far more to him than Babylon knew the superiority of Greek armour and Persepolis. A compact and truly and discipline, that he planned to de- Greek kingdom was the full dream of his throne his brother by Greek auxiliaries. ambition. Whatever his Asiatic sucThe safe return of the Ten Thousand, cess, Greece would still have been his and the uniform success of Agesilaus strength and his glory, and he would have against Persian satraps, made Jason of returned to her essentially a Greek prince. Thessaly (according to Xenophon) regard Her precedents of freedom, her stubborn the conquest of Persia as a slight task spirit, her formidable mountains, would compared to a conquest of Greeks. Un- have extorted from him perhaps more reless the Persian dynasty had been inter- spect for local rights and hereditary laws, nally reformed, it could be certainly fore- for magistracies and free militia, than is seen that Greek arms would conquer often enjoyed under constitutional royalsome of its provinces; but no one could ty now. Greece possibly might have have expected-hardly could any one won a stability, a force, which she has have imagined such a sudden rush of never had yet, with an influence over all conquest as Alexander achieved; nor the Mediterranean powers, which would have we reason to believe that any other have saved Europe from the dark ages. Greek of that century, or of any century, would have acted so rashly and succeeded so brilliantly. Had Alexander never lived, the Persian dynasty would still have sunk; but the war would in all probability have taken a different turn. Partial success would have added some provinces to Greece, who coveted especially the sea-coast. Such manifestation of Persian weakness would have loosened the ties of empire, and have prepared the field for a new dynasty, as of Parthians, or Elamites, or Armenians. Success against Persia achieved by Philip was full of hope for Greece; the success actually achieved by Alexander was fatal. Philip, mature of age, cautious by temperament, accustomed to make progress sure and slow, and look well behind him as well as before; Philip, who never once followed up success hotly and rashly, could not have pursued in Ásia the career of his son. When Darius entreated peace of Alexander, offering him friendship and alliance, after the battle of Issus, Alexander could certainly have stipulated to hold all that he had conquered, but he disdainfully refused peace; and when Parmenio said to him, "If I were Alexander I would accept the offers," replied, "And so would I, if I were Parmenio." But Parmenio might have urged on him with truth, "Your father Philip, if alive,

For

Everything was blighted by the peculiar temperament of Alexander. headlong rashness, joined with high military talent, with officers long trained under his father, and soldiers self-sacrificing for his safety, led to unprecedented rapidity of success; and success made him insatiable of new adventure. When he heard from one of his generals the words, "Is it not time now to remember Macedonia, instead of wandering farther and farther into Asia?" the remonstrance sounded to him as an utterance of disaffection almost treasonable. his native Macedon and his faithful Macedonians he cared not a straw, except as tools to glorify him in Asia. Not satisfied with conquering Balkh and Samarcand, beyond the Hindoo Kush, he crossed into the wilds of Scythia, and chased the Scythian cavalry in bravado. After conquering the Punjaub, he thought it base and heartbreaking ingratitude in his soldiers that they refused to go farther, and conquer India to the mouth of the Ganges. Foiled in this fatuous dream, he returned into Persia, only to display that he had ceased to be a Greek in feeling. He assumed the manners, the dress, the pomp of a Persian despot; married a Persian wife; expected prostration on the ground before him; proclaimed himself a son of Jupiter; and never forgave his equal and

playmate, the son of Parmenio, for pri- | bly would have been a different prince, vately counselling him against such ex- and Greece meanwhile might have travagant folly. Too much success had learned to combine constitutionally ruined the good sense of a man of won- against royal encroachments. But the derful genius, cleverness, and energy. end was truly mournful. Dried up and Success could not save him from wearing wasted under Macedonian despotism, out his own life at the age of thirty; but Etolian buccaneering and Spartan obstiit amassed in his hands resources against nacy, while an ill-cemented Achaian which, wielded by Antipater, united league kept alive but a feeble flame of Greece in vain contended. Treasures freedom, she fell an easy victim to Roequal to those of Xerxes; armies far man power, which did but consummate more formidable than the Persian; gen- her moral ruin. As Roman genius pererals such as Greece had none; an inti- ished with Tacitus, so (it seems) did mate acquaintance with all the weak Greek genius with Demosthenes. A points of Greece, moral and material; night of two thousand years followed, Greek citadels already held by his garri- while the cleverest nation of Europe lay sons; enabled him and his immediate prostrate under the barbarian — all besuccessors to overawe or crush the States cause her leading statesmen had miswhich had elected him their leader. used critical opportunities for equal and Greece had aspired to conquer the coast just union. of Asia, on which Greek colonies were planted, and suddenly found herself vassal of a monarch reigning in Susa and Babylon. Not without reason has the Persian tradition, which survives in the Shah-nahmeh, represented Alexander the Great as, not a Greek, but a Persian prince who supplanted his brother Darius.

From The Cornhill Magazine. A ROSE IN JUNE.

CHAPTER VIII.

MR. DAMEREL did not die for twentyfour hours after this. People do not get Through all the historical years from out of the world so easy. He was not to Solon to Alexander, Greeks had con- escape the mortal restlessness, "the fog tinued to fight against Greeks, to kill, in his throat," any more than others; and to weep for the slain; yet Greece and the hours were slow and long, and throve through it all. Demosthenes tes- lingered like years. But at last the tifies that she had constantly increased Rector came to an end of his wondering, in men and resources, and that the arma- and knew, like all the illuminati before ments of his day were greater than ever. him who have learned too, but are hushed But after Alexander there was a rapid and make no sign. It is a strange thought and constant wasting of the Greek popu- for mortals to take in, that almost every lation, with equally rapid decline in man- death is, for the moment at least, a relief liness. Bishop Thirlwall believes that to those who surround the dying. The the striking diminution of numbers most intolerable moment is that which arose from an unnatural reluctance to precedes the end, and most of us are marry; but if so, why did this reluctance thankful when it is over. I need not never show itself in republican times? enter into the dismal hush that fell upon Surely the causes were at bottom politi- the pleasant Rectory, nor say how the cal. Perhaps enough weight has been curious sun besieged the closed windows given to the vast emigration of young to get into the house once so freely open men just the most spirited of the na- to the light; nor how, notwithstanding tion to become soldiers in Asia, or the long interval of illness which had members of the very numerous Greek banished him from common view, the colonies planted by Alexander as bul- shady corner under the lime-trees, where warks of his empire. Be the causes of Mr. Damerel's chair and round table Greek decline, in detail, what they may, still stood, wore a look of piteous desoin their origin they must be traced to the latic, as if he had left them but yesterMacedonian Successes. The princes day. All this is easily comprehensible. who thenceforward reigned, whether in The servants cried a little, and were conAsia or in Greece, were in spirit Asi- soled by their new mourning; the chilatics, unrestrained by constitutional rules dren wept bitterly, then began to smile or freedom of the subject peoples. Had again; and two poor clergymen, with Philip lived fifteen years longer, Alex-large families, grew sick with anxiety as ander in maturer age might, and proba- to who should have Dinglefield before