The hop is another variety of culture of which Belgium may be proud; the vine of the north hangs its beautiful darkgreen verdure around the poles, but it only gives its perfumed cones in return for much money and continual labour. The land must be rich and provided with fir-poles, three thousand to the acre; as it grows, the stems have to be tied, and liquid manure given to those plants which shew yellow leaves; finally, at the time of harvest, numbers of work-people have to be gathered together for the picking. But whilst in England the whole of the ground is sacrificed to the hop, there are in Belgium the most splendid crops of wheat and beetroot growing between. Chicory, like the hop, is a very expensive article of culture; but it gives a rich return, estimated at forty pounds an acre. The produce of colza is also very valuable.

It will be seen that few sheep are fed in a country where there is so little pasture; horses of great strength, and milch cows which give much butter, and can be fed in the stable, are considered most advantageous, and statistics shew that more of these animals are fed on the acre than in any other country. It is to be marked that the Flemish farmer has compensated for all the disadvantages of his soil and climate by a simple means within the reach of all that of restoring to the land what it gives to the wants of man; the too much neglected secret of agricultural chemistry. Belgium, in short, offers a pleasant spectacle of rural industry, but, from the circumstances mentioned, we do not believe that the same thing could be realized in the British Islands.

as Liberal. As we have frequently insisted, there is not the slightest necessary connection between Liberalism and Democracy. Liberty is the absence of law; Liberal opinions are supposed to be the opinions which are formed without reference or with only slight reference to prescriptive authority; the Liberal party is assumed to exist for the purpose of giving effect to these opinions. Democracy is a name for a form of government in which sovereign power is lodged with a large number of persons instead of few persons or one. Doubtless it has been assumed for a certain number of years in a certain number of countries that the many are more "liberal” than the few, but at the present moment there is not a single civilized commonwealth which does not furnish some reason for doubting the truth of the assumption.

It is much to be regretted that German political facts are only seen in England through the veil of a language much less understood among us than it ought to be and than might be expected. They are much more practically instructive, for instance, than the phenomena of French politics, of which the interest is greatly re-out of proportion to the value. France has been so racked with repeated revolutions, and has had her public morality so deeply shaken for the moment by the disasters of the last war, that she furnishes few lessons of much importance to a country like our own, of which the development has been orderly, and whose public misfortunes and trials have not of late been very severe. Nothing, however, can be fuller of instruction to us than the recent political history of Germany. Prince Bismarck, it will be remembered, was for long years in permanent dispute with the Prussian Parliament, a body of which the prevailing opinions were Liberal, but which owed its Liberalism to the elaborate restriction of the suffrage by which it was elected. When the triumphant war which ended with the victory of Sadowa brought all Germany round to Prince Bismarck's side he constructed the Parliament of the North German Confederation pretty much as he pleased, and when he determined that it should be chosen by universal suffrage he was undisguisedly acting in expectation of the same result which was aimed at by Mr. Disraeli in the measure of 1867. Since then the North German Parliament has become the Parliament of the Empire, and Prince Bismarck has become, if not a Liberal, the author of the most uncom

From The Pall Mall Gazette. LIBERALISM AND DEMOCRACY.

THERE is perhaps some danger lest the downfall of the English Liberal party and the success of the Conservatives should be regarded in England as purely local events, and our attention be called away from the fact that the most powerful cause of the change in political balance may be seen in operation all over Europe. There has seldom been a greater miscalculation than that of the persons who had supposed that the wide extension of the political suffrage which has been conceded in all Western countries would be ultimately favourable to the opinions known

promising measures ever devised for giv- gium to English readers, wrote in apparing effect to distinctively Liberal opinion. ent despair. He evidently thought that It is, however, becoming increasingly evi- freedom of education and of the press dent that he is encountering more and were in the greatest danger, and that the more difficulty through the universal suf-land was rapidly becoming again the frage which he created. In the Prussian property of the religious corporations. Parliament he has his own way com- The English Radicals of forty or fifty pletely; but, though no doubt the Impe-years ago held on the subject of universal rial Parliament is Liberal for the present, or widely extended suffrage a set of opinit becomes less so at each successive elec- ions which were natural enough at that tion, and it is not by any means impossi-period, but which were not the less a ble that in the end it may become Ultra- memorable instance of delusion. The montane. Hence there are plain signs of great opposition to the new opinions of a movement among the German Liberals the schools of thought which were rising for restricting the suffrage upon which up came from the vested interests of the Imperial Legislature is based, and for minorities. Economical reforms, fiscal assimilating it to the Prussian suffrage. reforms, judicial reforms, were each preNo such language is held about the "re-vented by small knots of men banded tosiduum" in Germany as is employed by gether by the common advantages which both the English parties. It is there the older system conferred on them. The openly called densely ignorant, grossly Radicals justly thought that if these superstitious, and almost wholly incapa-minorities were driven from influence ble of national spirit. The German edu- and power, the abuses which they supcated mind, always in speculative revolt ported would be easier of destruction; against authority, is now engaged in but they jumped to the further conclusion active war with the concrete embodiment that majorities had none of the political of all authority in the Popedom; and it vices of minorities. Bentham and his

fully recognizes that its most obstinate followers used to argue that universal sufadversaries are that very portion of the frage must be a good thing because the community worshipped by Liberals else-interests which the Government based on where under the name of democracy. it would promote would by the nature of The same disbelief in the Liberalism of the case be the interests of all. The imthe masses enters into every shade of plied assumption here made is that multiFrench political sentiment. M. Gambetta tudes of men know their own interests in himself has obviously not a fragment of the same way in which small minorities faith in the conformity of opinion be- know them. The fact has turned out to tween the French multitude and himself. | be that vast constituent bodies do not He thinks, like a long series of French know their own interests, unless knowing Republican leaders before him, that the their own interests means the same thing masses can be disciplined or educated as blindly following whatever impulse into Republicanism; but there is no prac-happens to act strongly upon them. tical difference of opinion between French Men, because they obtain votes, do not politicians of all colours on the point that become less ignorant, less superstitious, what the majority of Frenchmen would less envious, less servile, less greedy, less like best, if left to themselves, would be the victims of any set of persons who a dictatorship. Perhaps, however, the take the trouble to pull the wires of the most striking example of the divorce be- machinery by which they are moved. The tween Liberalism and Democracy is to be history of forty years has not proved seen in Belgium. Here is a most pros- more than this about the connection beperous country, endowed with popular tween Democracy and Liberalism. So institutions, secured against foreign war, long as Liberal policy is destructive — to which the Liberal party has admittedly and destructive it must sometimes be rendered almost priceless services. Yet from the necessity of the case-it may the effect of extending the suffrage has be expected to have the sympathy of a been to expel the Liberals from power, multitudinous constituent body. In the perhaps permanently. The Government long run the masses may be depended in office is composed of men theoretically upon to join in taking away from others committed to the principles of the Sylla- advantages which they can understand bus, and the country is nearly as much and which they do not share themselves, given over to the priests as Portugal in in destroying rotten boroughs, opening the seventeenth century. M. de Laveleye, close corporations, and disestablishing when he last explained the state of Bel- 'Churches. But when the demands of

Liberal opinion are for a constructive Army, though it has performed some seripolicy, or for a policy not capable of ous feats of arms, though it nominally being appreciated at a glance, or for contains 200,000 men, and is fairly a policy at variance with settled super- drilled, is too loosely organized for sufstitions, there is not more reason to ficiently rapid action in a great emerexpect popular support for them than gency. The Central Government, sitting for any other set of doctrines. Free at Berne, had, under the old Constitutrade was carried with the old constitu- tion, no direct power over the Army until encies, not, however, without the aid it was in the field, the organization of of numerous exceptional influences; but each section and the duty of forwarding what chance would it have had with the it where commanded being left absolutely present constituencies, led as are large with the Cantons. These powers are not sections of them by men who propose withdrawn even now, and each Canton to keep up wages by such expedients as can still use its own troops for internal "limiting the output of coal?" Sudden purposes; but the Canton is made for gusts of passion may occasionally lash a military purposes entirely subordinate to democracy into furious hostility to the the Central power, which can now dictate Pope, the Crown, the peerage, or the organization, take possession of all mapriesthood, but as a general rule men, be- tériel of war, and in fact, if it pleases, cause they obtain votes, do not give up create as centralized a force as it has any of their habitual opinions about this means to pay. There can be no doubt world and the next. Some surprise has whatever that this new power, if wisely been expressed that, though the English and moderately used, will greatly increase clergy is probably the class which has the securities for the independence of gone nearest to doing its duty to the agri- Switzerland. Her Army of 200,000 men cultural labourer, he proves to dislike the would by itself be a hard nut to crack, parson only less than the farmer, while he for the Switzers are brave fighting-men, respects the squire and stands in the and the authorities at Berne would in the greatest awe of the neighbouring duke. event of war stand in this favourable posiSomething of this is no doubt owing to tion. They can be attacked directly only the Nonconformist influences which have by Germany or France, and of course presided over the agricultural strike, but would be defended by either power innothe permanent cause is that the clergy- cent of the attack, - by Germany because man is in comparatively close contact she could not submit to see her flank so with the labourer. He is near enough to completely turned, by France because the be regarded as the embodiment of re- Swiss Army would furnish just the iron spectability and affluence, and to be en- spear-head her own Army wants in a vied accordingly but the great land- conflict with the German Ármy. At the owner is at such a distance that hered- same time, the risk that the defender itary awe of him is never dispelled. This would develope also into the ruler would is just what has been discovered every- be averted by the dislike of strong Powwhere respecting the poor and ignorant ers to lengthen their conterminous boundmen who have been so generally turned ary, and the difficulty which either power, into voters. They will join in putting just exhausted by conflict, would feel in down any institution which is close at encountering a new army sure to fight hand; but their votes, like their ideas, well, and sure also to occupy the most are not the less at the service of anybody dangerous of positions. It is true that who will appeal to their abject fear of the the neutrality of Switzerland is guaranPope or the Devil, or both of them. teed by Europe, but in these days guarantees do not count for much, and the ability to inflict a serious blow on any invader is a much more tangible security. Neither Germany nor France want to lose 100,000 men on the eve of a mighty duel, and Switzerland, if thoroughly organized, might employ at least that numTHE changes in the Swiss constitution, ber. She becomes, in fact, a fortress accepted on Sunday by a double majority which an assailant must carry, just when of the people, and a threefold majority of he has other and heavier business on the Cantons, are most serious, and have hand. Both Powers, it is true, acting in evidently two objects in view. One is to unison, could divide Switzerland, and strengthen the Federal Army. That there are contingencies under which this

From The Spectator.

THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF SWITZER

LAND.

1

danger might arise; but they are ex- to see so suddenly and amazingly prospertremely improbable, and exist now in a ous—is accurate, the Confederation must yet higher degree, partition being com- establish civil marriage, for "marriage is paratively easy. With 200,000 good men Switzerland will always find allies.

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not to be refused on any moral or religious ground," the Swiss apparently The second and more immediate ob- trusting the maintenance even of the laws ject, the one, in fact, on which all voting of consanguinity entirely to opinion, as turned, is to raise the Republic once for the French did during their whole Revoall above all the Churches found within its lutionary period; while the children born borders, and this has been accomplished out of wedlock must be legitimatized on in the most thorough-going style. Many the subsequent marriage of their parents, of the Cantons are strongly Catholic, and a just and humane provision in theory, one or two are strongly Protestant, but but one which in practice is not found to the entire Republic may be classed as conduce to female chastity. The State, Liberal; and it is to the Republic, the in fact, is made supreme in all matters whole Confederation, that all ecclesiasti- of marriage, burial, and ecclesiastical discal power is now confided. An alliance cipline, that is, in all that section of between the Protestants and the Voltairi-human life which in Catholic countries ans will always command, in the whole necessitates contact with the priesthood. country, a majority too great to be re- These laws must have been prepared sisted, either by votes or rifles; and the by very astute hands, for while they proCentral Government, now allowed to act hibit no creed and interfere with no creed, without Cantonal restrictions, can pass they arm the governing party in the Reany ecclesiastical decree it pleases. The public with a power beyond that conState is set free with a vengeance. Not ferred in Prussia by the Falk laws, with a only may it pass any law on education, but power, that is, of suppressing Ultramonit must establish compulsory primary edu- tanism altogether. If reasonably worked, cation in all Cantons, and this education there is nothing in them to which fervent being uniform, will obviously be secular. Catholics can object for Catholics do Then it must establish a Central Uni- not object to civil marriage in itself, but versity, at which men of all religions will to marriage unblessed by religious sancbe trained together, a practice to which tion - but they may easily be so worked Catholics, with considerable want of faith as to suppress Catholic discipline altoin their own system, have of late years gether. For instance, they certainly been angrily opposed. Then the Central allow of any penalty being enacted for authority" may take the necessary meas- excommunication, of the suspension of ures for the maintenance of public order religious services in a new diocese, of the and peace between the members of the gradual extinction of all convents, of the different religious communities, as well expulsion of any religious order "the conas against the encroachments of ecclesi- duct of which is dangerous to the State, astical authority upon the rights of the or disturbs the peace between the creeds," citizens," words wide enough to cover and, as we imagine, of the exclusion of any conceivable amount of interference any Papal Bull. The Confederation can, with any creed in the Republic, or at least in fact, prohibit the Roman Catholic reany creed requiring the services of a ligion, if it pleases; and though we do not priesthood. It is true, the Canton still believe the grave and experienced mer. retains the same powers, but the general who govern it intend to go that length, legislation overrides Cantonal authority, they have two additional temptations to and all Switzerland may punish an ex- attempt the feat. The revision has given communication pronounced by the Bishop them full control of the Army, and the of a Canton. As if to show clearly the vote for it has revealed the comparative spirit in which the power is to be used, weakness of their opponents. The Counthe Constitution authorizes the Confed-cil of the Confederation possesses, in eration to prohibit the creation of any fact, the full power of the Hohenzollerns, new Bishopric, a direct defiance to backed by a formidable army, and may, Rome; and the founding of any new con- if it pleases, persecute to any length, vent, or the re-establishment of any one short of inflicting death, a punishment dispossessed; to control all burial-places, and to make any laws of marriage it may please. In fact, if the summary we are quoting from the Continental Herald, the old Swiss Times -a journal we are happy

which, strange to say, in a country so rigid in its ideas, is finally and universally abolished. That is a dangerous amount of power to commit to a majority in any Republic, and its habitual use may

Of

end either in violent convulsions, or in years, it is only within a recent period the emigration of the Catholic population that the white men have held any assured bodily to America. Even if it is not used, position. The majority of the early setthe provisions which confer it assert the tlers, "old hands," as they are now sovereignty of the State over the con- called, were certainly a very peculiar science to a degree which would never be people. Many were escaped convicts, borne in England, and which is entirely and they were scattered about the different inconsistent with any theory of religious islands, living pretty much on sufferance, liberty. It is not the State-paid pastor and at the mercy of the native chiefs. who may be restricted, but the unpaid, not Indeed, it was only by a thorough undermerely the new diocese which is prohibit- standing among themselves that they ed, but the new superintending circle. should all combine to help and avenge Wesley could no more work under the any one of their number who might be Bill than Pio Nono can. The principle of attacked that they contrived to hold Lord John Russell's Ecclesiastical Titles their own with the blood-thirsty savages Bill is, in fact, elevated into a State Dog- by whom they were surrounded. ma, and the Confederation can annul the course they cared nothing about the bruterritorial or disciplinary arrangements of tal fetish worship and cannibalism praca disestablished Church. So can Parlia- tised by their hosts. Some even acquired ment, no doubt, but if it did, English Lib- considerable influence by aiding the more erals would scarcely assert that it was powerful chieftains in their constant governed by the principles of civil and reli-wars; and the stories which are still told gious liberty, or that any worship was in the islands go to show that they were free within the limits of morality and order. The Cantonal system of Switzerland is not one we admire, for, like the State system of the Union, it has always seemed to us unfavourable to the development of statesmanship, but it did at least leave the people really free; and we are not sure that the Swiss, in their panic-terror of the Syllabus, are not part-trade was looked upon as a very dangering with too much of the freedom which alone makes them remarkable on earth.

From The Pall Mall Gazette.

THE FIJI ISLANDS.

I. THE WHITES. OUR new dependency in Polynesia has been acquired so suddenly that very little is generally known concerning the islands or their inhabitants, whether white or black. In this instance, as in that of the Gold Coast, matters have been steadily advancing in one direction for many years, and yet, now that the time has come for decided action, scarcely any definite information is forthcoming to guide our judgment. A short sketch, therefore, of the population of Fiji and their habits of life may not be out of place.

To begin with the white men who are settled in the group, nine-tenths of whom are British subjects. Although Europeans have been in the Fiji Islands since early in the present century, and the missionaries, both Catholic and Wesleyan, have been at work there for nearly thirty

little, if at all, behind the Fijians themselves in brutality and licentiousness. The small traders who took up their abode there from time to time made hazardous profits by purchasing cocoa-nut oil, tortoise-shell, bêche-de-mer, and other native products which could be easily obtained; but for many years the island

ous and in fact as almost a piratical business. The missionaries stood upon a very different footing. At first they made little headway, but the more frequent visits of men-of-war, British and American, gave them opportunities of which they courageously availed themselves; and, after the conversion of Thakombau to Christianity in 1853, the Wesleyans became a power in the group. They showed themselves very hostile to the interlopers, as they considered the whites who came from the colonies, and it was mainly owing to their influence that Colonel Smythe reported against annexation in 1860, when the first Commission, consisting of himself and Dr. Seemanwho was favourable to it was sent out at the instance of the late Mr. Pritchard. This decision of course checked the influx of settlers for a time, and even induced some who were already in the islands to leave them.

The history of the group for the next few years consisted chiefly of fierce native wars, combined with the advance of the missionaries and the gradual progress of trade. Notwithstanding the rather dictatorial behaviour of the Wesleyans, who seemed at one time desirous of emu