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law; but Mr. Richardson mixes up two things-what he thinks ought to be, and what by law is-when he denies that capital is wealth at all. For it is an obvious truth that, whether wealth is greatly accumulated or not, it must always be continuously produced; but it is equally true that a certain amount of accumulated wealth, i.e. capital, is necessary for production. We may then go on to say that the degree of accumulation among individuals and the power of bequeathing it, in whatever form, are subjects for social reform. He is clearer on the question of rent and a land-tax, though following common usage in allowing the terms rent and interest to overlap at certain points. Perhaps the wisest idea in the book is the appreciation of education on which the scheme is based, taken apart from the details.

It is often wearisome to hear that Society evolves as an organism; but in applying Evolution to Social Science, the work of each man's will should be included in the process, as helping in the formation of history; there is then no tendency to fatalism. But not even a man of transcendent ability could hope to see a social system, evolved from his single brain, voluntarily worked out in symmetry and completeness by a number of other individuals. There is thus some justification for distrusting a practical Utopia-a distrust not exclusively due to cowardice or pessimism. The value of one such as this, without literary merit or historic associations, lies in its motive, in the suggestions which it presents, and in the truth of the ultimate principles on which it is based. M. W. Whelpton.

ECONOMICS AND SOCIALISM. By F. U. LAYCOCK, LL.B.

[390 pp. 8vo. 78. 6d. Sonnenschein. London, 1895.]

The history of this book is set forth very frankly in the preface. The author began to write it with the object of showing the absurdity of Socialism. The course of his studies led him "practically to abandon" this plan; not, however, because Socialism came to appear to him less absurd, but because certain other "truths" dawned upon his mind, which needed a more detailed exposition. These discoveries are (1) that all trade combinations are mischievous, as interfering with the laws of supply and demand; (2) that all taxation ought to be laid upon land, not with the object of taxing all the rent out of the land, "though it may possibly amount in the end to the same result" (p. 153), but because the land belongs to the community, and the taxation of ground values is "a just and natural system of taxation;" and (3) that great results would follow from limiting the amount of metal coined, and "charging for coining." So much of the book is taken up with the advocacy of these views, that the title is rather

misleading; indeed, the book contains no discussion of Socialism in the proper sense. The last chapter, which Mr. Laycock chooses to call "Ethics and Philosophy," contains a few very loose and vague paragraphs on the subject, which seem to indicate that the author has assumed that Socialism is too "absurd" to waste much time over. Such statements as that "the community of goods which passes by the name of Socialism finds its chief economist in Marx," will perhaps satisfy the reader on this point. The discussions of trade-unionism and of currency reform are more interesting. The author is an enthusiast, and although he will not, probably, make many converts to his views, his thoughtful investigation of difficult problems from an independent and unusual standing-point is not without value. His strictures upon the selfishness and futility of diminishing the output of products in the interest of labour, seem to be justified; and his bold argument that "competition is the only perfect method of co-operation," while restrictive trade combinations are the negation of both, is a good statement of certain aspects of the problem which are perhaps in danger of being neglected.

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These "Short Studies" constitute an attempt to give an account of the ethical basis of education. It is impossible to exaggerate the importance or the difficulty of such an undertaking, and Mrs. Bryant warns us in the preface against expecting to find any complete study of character. The essays were originally delivered as lectures to various ethical and educational societies, and they must be judged of as such, -somewhat slight and but loosely connected with one another.

This is not intended for dispraise. The subjects treated of are of the greatest moment, and the remarks upon them are often extremely interesting and to the point. The first essay is on "The Cardinal Virtues," which we find not to be those we have been accustomed to regard as entitled to the name, but to be the qualities essential to a character that is "not formed, but forming for good." These, she tells us, are "self-denial and courage,' "ethical faith in self," "humility," "honesty," "lovingkindness," and "hunger and thirst after righteousness." These are the qualities that form "the character that must not only go straight to its end, but straight to the right endthat end which is itself the measure of human virtue." This short abstract of one essay gives an idea of the style of Mrs. Bryant's treatment

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throughout. It may be doubted whether her psychological analysis is always exhaustive, for instance, whether some of the above qualities are not derivative from others more fundamental than themselves: but there is no doubt as to the interest and importance of the questions she raises, nor of the practical value of many of her remarks. I may, perhaps, instance her insistence on the duty of the weak towards the strong, in receiving the assistance rendered with sympathy and judg ment; or, again, the remarks on the influence of good literature as supplying to the young noble ideals, such as will inevitably colour and influence their lives.

The essay on the vexed question of "Ideals of Womanliness " gets near the heart of the matter by pointing out that the solution for man or woman of the question "What should be the ideal?" is to aim at nothing short of perfection-the strength and dignity we consider typical of man, combined with the sympathy and kindliness that we look for in a woman. Then she considers we should be content each to do his or her own work as it comes to hand, to the best of our ability; but, having this ideal before us, we should welcome and frankly admire in others those features in which we are conscious of a personal deficiency. This is, perhaps, not very new, but it is good and true; and it is good for many in these restless times to be reminded of old truths which, unless somewhat freshly dressed, are apt to be overlooked.

The second part of the book deals more directly with educational questions. These are obviously more difficult than the more abstract points treated of before. Nevertheless, we must acknowledge that much of what is said is distinctly valuable. Mrs. Bryant brings her own experience to bear in her reiteration, from different points of view, of the all-important truth that education is almost valueless except with continual reference to the character to be educated. So, in the essay on "Moral Education," and in various forms in the latter part of the book, she dwells on the importance of encouraging but directing "self-will" in children, provided we can distinguish "will" from "waywardness." This is open to the objection that it is just in this discernment that the difficulty in education lies, and no rules or books will supply us with the power of reading character. Still it is good that attention should be drawn to the real direction of the difficulty, as knowledge where the obstacle lies is a necessary preliminary to surmounting it.

I presume it is in accordance with the design of this series of books that the distinctly Christian view is excluded. It is impossible not to feel this an imperfection, as it entails a falling short of the real foundation of a sound education, and no purely ethical considerations can

supply at once the motive and the power which alone can effect the development of character. Still the book is not without a deeply religious tone, and I can only repeat that we must welcome so thoughtful and earnest, though avowedly inexhaustive a treatment of topics of such vital importance for the individual and the nation. E. A. PEARSON.

With an

MUNICIPALITIES AT WORK. By F. DOLMAN. Introduction by SIR JOHN HUTTON. [vii. 143 pp. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. Methuen. London, 1895.]

By

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT IN GREAT BRITAIN.
ALBERT SHAW. [viii. 385 pp. 8vo. 6s. Unwin. London,
1895.]
MUNICIPAL HOME RULE. By FRANK J. GOODNOW, A.M.,

LL.B., Professor of Administrative Law in Columbia College.
[xxiv. 283 pp. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d., net. Macmillan. London,
1895.]

I take these three books together, because, though their treatment is very different, they all deal with a common problem, and they all employ the comparative method of social study. The subject and the method are equally significant. The problem is-how to make the city life which economic development has made the lot of the vast majority of citizens tolerable and even beneficent. Mr. Shaw and Mr. Goodnow contrast American with English and Continental experience. Mr. Dolman presents six "leading cases" of British municipal policy outside London. At first sight, the impression produced by Mr. Dolman's narrative is, as he himself points out, that his cases differ quite as much as they agree; if Glasgow is forward in one direction, it is backward in another, and so on. No one town, in fact, presents to us a case of consistent collectivism all round. The policy has been empirical and opportunist, initiated by men of affairs rather than by men of theory. But this does not lessen the significance of the impetus that has been given to collectivism by the logic of events-by "the concentration of many people on a small area." One of the most interesting features of Mr. Dolman's book is the appendix, in which he compares the action of the six municipalities he has chosen in regard to the labour they employ. It would appear that, if London is behindhand in the municipalization of local services, it is pioneering the labour policy of municipal administration both in the direction of "fair wage" clauses and in the abolition of the contractor. Altogether, a clear and comprehensive narrative of the success of a Progressive policy in other towns than London.

Mr. Shaw writes from the point of view of an American admirer who is at the same time in search of object lessons for his countrymen. The temper of the book is appreciative throughout, and even exuberant; it is also singularly free from mistakes as to English facts. Mr. Shaw starts with the idea of municipal problems as only "various phases of the one main question, How can the environment be most perfectly adapted to the welfare of urban populations?" In a thoughtful introduction he shows how the era of industrialism has given rise to the problem of the large city, and what a demand this makes upon "the art of making and administering modern cities." The present volume is part of a comparative survey of the extent to which this demand has been met by Western Europe-all with a view to the instruction and admonition of America. In municipal collectivism or modern "city-making," England appears to lead the way. The statistics of its municipal taxation and indebtedness "point to an aggressive demand upon the resources of society that has increased in a ratio far higher either than the relative growth of town populations or than the development of the national wealth." But this means, to Mr. Shaw, not the undoing, but the uprising of England: he has no sympathy with administrative nihilism, and places himself unreservedly on the side of the Progressive. After a general account of the rise of British towns, and of "the British system in operation," Mr. Shaw settles down to separate studies of Glasgow, of Manchester, and of Birmingham. Then follows a graphic chapter summarizing the social activities of British towns, and two well-informed chapters are devoted to an account of the government of London and its problems. Among the appendices may be found the London (Progressive) Platform, and the Report of the Commission on the Unification of London. The whole book is most readable and stimulating, and the reader is greatly assisted by an excellent marginal analysis. With Mr. Dolman and Mr. Shaw as conductors, the ordinary citizen is enabled to realize how large is the scope of municipal activity, and how great the work already accomplished; and if he fails to be impressed, well, he is something less than a citizen. Both books deserve to be widely known and read; and it is greatly to be desired that more studies of this character should be produced. An ounce of such work is worth a pound of economic theory-even for the socialist propaganda.

Mr. Goodnow's book is too special and technical for the ordinary English reader, but it is interesting to students of political science as a study in comparative municipal government. The aspect of the problem which primarily interests the writer is legal and political

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