But the former could never have been obferved by the people with the fame regard as the latter. That was merely a feaft commemorative of the church's commencement. And this was one previously kept by the nation in general, and the day of their own faint in particular. This therefore, in a high ftrain of pre-eminence over the other, was actually denominated the church's holiday or its peculiar feftival. And, while this remains in many parishes at prefent, the other is fo utterly annihNated in all, that the learned and fenfible antiquary, whom I have mentioned before, actually knew nothing of its diftinét exiftence, and abfolutely confound ed it with this.

Thus inftituted at firft, the day of the tutelar faint was obferved, most probably by the Britons, and certainly by the Saxons with great devotion. And the evening before every faint's day, in the SaxonJewish method of reckoning the hours, being an actual part of the day, and therefore like that refigned to the duties of publick religion, as they reckoned Sunday from the first to commence at the funfet of Saturday; the evening preceding the church's holiday would be obferved with all the devotion of the festival. The people actually repaired to the church, and joined in the fervices of it. And they thus fpent the evening of their greater feftivities in the monafteries of the north, as early as the conclufion of the feventh century. In that of Rippon, and on the anniverfary of Wilfrid particularly, we fee the bishops, abbots, and numerous trains of attendants, all convened at the monastery in order to celebrate the day, and all VOL. XVII. 1775.

affembled the evening before it at the prayers of the church. And these fervices were naturally denominated from their late hours pæccan or wakes and vigils or eves. That of the anniversary at Rippon, as early as the commencement of the eighth century, is exprefsly denominated the Vigil. But that of the church's holiday was named the Lynic pæccan or church-wake, the church vigil or church-eve. And it was this commencement of both with a wake, which has now caufed the days to be generally preceded with vigils, and the church-holiday particularly to be denominated the church-wake. So religiously was the eve and feftival of the patron faint obferved for many ages by the Saxons; even as late as the reign of Edgar, the former being spent in the church and employed in prayer. And the wake, and all the other holidays in the year, were put upon the fame footing with the octaves of Christmas, of Eafter, and of Penteco; and any perfons repairing to the celebration of the day were, as all ordinarily reforting to the church were, under the im mediate protection of the king, and confequently free from arrefts, in their way to and return from it.

When Gregory recommended the feftival of the patron faint, he alfo recommended fomething more adapted to gain a general reception than religious acts and exercises. He advifed, that the people fhould be encouraged on the day of the festival to erect booths of branches about the church, and to feast and be merry in them with innocence. And, as the authority of Gregory would certainly caufe the encouragement to be given, so the smallest would be effectual. Nor would L

fuch

fuch churches only as had previously been heathen temples, but all immediately have the day of their guardian faint obferved with this open fettivity. As the people had been all idolaters, the reafon would be equally forcible for one parifh as another. And the strong tendency of the common people to every fenfitive enjoyment would make the practice univerfal. In every parish, on the returning anniversary of the faint, little pavilions were conftructed of boughs; and the immediate neighbourhood of St. Michael's, and the churchyard of St. Mary's, refounded with the voice of hofpitality and the notes of merriment.

But few perfons are ever to be intrufted to feaft. And fewer are to be allowed to meet in numbers together. There is a contagious vicioufnefs in crouds. Though each individual of them, alone by himfelf, would act with a religious propriety; yet all together they act with irreligion and folly. The fire imperceptibly runs from breaft co breaft, each contributes to fwell the tide of fpirits beyond its proper bounds, and wickedness and abfurdity enter at the breach that is made in reafon. And this vicioufnefs is always augmented in its force, when the groffer fpirits, that are merely the refult of feasting, mingle and ferment the tide. The feafting of the faint's day was foon abufed. And it feems to have been greatly fo before the reign of Edgar, as the intemperance of the fellival was then creeping even into the vigil, and even mixing with the offices of religion. In the very body of the church, when the people were affembled for devotion, they were beginning to mind di

verfions and introduce drinking. And fo grofs an abule of the eve could have ftolen in only from the licentioufnefs of the festival. The growing intemperance would gradually ftain the fervice of the vigil, till the feftivity of it was converted, as it now is, into the rigour of a faft. Thefe diforders would be less obnoxious on the day itself, becaufe they did not intrude within the church and profane the prayers. But they were certainly greater, and went on increafing in viciousness and folly, till they too juftly fcandalized the puritans of the last century, and numbers of the wakes were difufed entirely. Our own has been long difcontinued. It was not abolished in 1536 by the laws of Henry the eighth, which appears to have had little or no influence on the general practice. It was put down by a particular and local order in 1579, and forgotten in the long and rigid reign of puritanifm that was then commencing at Manchester. And Henry, earl of Derby, Henry, earl of Huntingdon, William, lord bishop of Chefter, and others of the high commiffion under Queen Elizabeth, affembled at Manchefter in 1579; iffued orders against pipers and minstrels playing, making and frequenting ales, bear-baitings and bull-baitings,on the Sunday, or any other day of the week in time of divine fervice or fermons; and prohibited for the future all fuperfiuous and fuperftitious ringing, common feafts, and wakes. But the wake of the neighbouring parish of Eccles is celebrated among us to the prefent day. And a confiderable number of people refort to it annually from our own and the adjoining parishes.

This

This custom of celebrity in the heighbourhood of the church, on the days of particular faints, was introduced into England from the continent, and must have been familiar equally to the Britons and Saxons; being obferved among the churches of Afia in the 6th century, and by thofe of West Europe in the feventh. And equally in Afia and Europe, equally on the continent and in the island, thefe celebrities were the causes of those commercial marts which we denominate fairs. The people reforted in crouds to the feftival, and a confiderable provifion would be wanted for their entertainment. The profpect of intereft invited the little traders of the country to come and offer their wares, and the convenience of the accommodation promoted a vigorous fale among the people. And other traders were induced by the experience of these to bring in different articles, and hope for an equal fale. Thus, among the many pavilions for hofpitality in the neighbourhood of the church, various booths were erected for the fale of commodities. In large towns furrounded with populous diftricts, the refort of the people to the wake would be great, and the attendance of traders at the celebrity numerous. And this refort and this attendance conftitute a fair. Bafil exprefsly mentions the numerous appearance of traders at these feftivals in Afia, and Gregory notes the fame cuftom to be common in Europe. And, as the festival was obferved on a feria or holiday, it naturally affumed to itself, and as naturally communicated to the mart, the appellation of feria or fair. The fame among the Saxons, the French,

the Germans, and the Britons, fæger, foire, feyer, and faire, the word was derived from the fame fource in all these nations, the one ecclefiaftical language of Weft Europe at this period. And several of our molt antient fairs appear to have been actually held, and have been actually continued to our time, on the original church-holidays of the places; as that on the festival of St. Peter, at St. Peter's church in Weftminster, another on the feast of St. Cuthbert, at St. Cuthbert's in Durham, and a third on the holiday of St. Bartholomew, at St. Bartho lomew's in London.

Defcription of an antient Picture in Windfor Castle, representing the Interview between King Henry VIII. and the French King Francis I. between Guines and Ardres, in the Year 1520; lately engraved at the Expence of the Society of Antiquaries of London. Abridged from Sir Jofeph. Ayloffe's Defcription of it, in the Archæologia.

HIS picture is very remark

TH

able, as well on account of the importance and fingularity of its fubject, as of the immenfe num ber of figures which it contains, the variety of matter which it exhibits, and the manner in which the whole is executed.

It is preferved in the royal caftle at Windfor; but being there placed in the king's private apartments below ftairs, which are feldom permitted to be fhewn, hath long remained, in great meafure, unknown to the public.

The interview between the two monarchs was on Sunday, June 7, 1520, on the open plain, within

the English pale, between the caftle of Guines and Ardres. It continued twenty-eight days. The right-hand fide of the picture exhibits a bird's-eye view of the market-place, church, and caftle of Guines, with part of the townwalls and the furrounding ditch. In the fore-ground of this is the English cavalcade (hereafter mentioned); over thefe, in the back ground, and towards the top of the picture, is a view of the morafs which lies on the north fide of the town, and of the river that runs from thence towards Calais. Several perfons are fitting on the roof of the fhambles, and others ftanding at the doors of the houfes of the town, looking at the cavalcade. The town-guard alfo is drawn up and under arms in the market-place.

In the middle of the left-hand fide of the picture, and near the caftle-gate, is the elevation of the principal front of a moft ftately fquare caftellated palace, intended to reprefent that magnificent temporary palace, made of timber, which was brought ready framed from England, and, after the interview, was taken down and carried back. Befides a chapel and the royal apartments, it contained lodgings for most of the great officers of ftate, hung with the richest tapestry, and cloth of gold and filver, paned with green and white filk, the favourite colours of the house of Tudor.

On the plain before the palace are two fuperb conduits, cafed over with different kinds of marble, framed in pannel; from both of thefe, through masks of lions heads, red wine is discharged into cifterns, and from thence, through like

mafks, to the populace, who, by their looks and actions, exprefs its various effects from hilarity to inebriety. Near thefe conduits, in the lower part of the fore-ground, fand two men, facing each other, and dreffed alike, in blue caps, like tiaras, with golden taffels, and cocks tail feathers, and yellow gowns with black lace and black tufted frogs. They have long scymetars by their fides, and are founding long trumpets, to an nounce the near approach of the English cavalcade. On their left hand are many fpectators, and among them two gentlemen converfing together. These figures, being placed thus confpicuously in the fore-ground, and being much more laboured and finished than any that are near them, are fuppofed to be the portraits of the painter of this piece, and of Edward Hall, who was enjoined by K. Henry to draw up the description of the interview.

In the fore-ground, on the righthand fide, is the very numerous English cavalcade, marching out of the town of Guines, and entering the caftle-gate by a bridge thrown over the ditch. Its farther progrefs is not here reprefented; but it may be fuppofed to have paffed from the caftle, through the fally-port, to the place of interview, along the valley, and by the fide of the rivulet there described. The guns of the cafle are reprefented as firing while the king paffed. The advanced guard confifted of his guard of bill-men, with their officers. Then follow three ranks of men on foot, five in a rank, and all unarmed. After them are five of Wolfey's domestics on horseback, two of which are his chaplains, the

one

one in a black gown bearing his cross, and the other in a fcarlet gown carrying his hat on a cushion. Of the reft, two are dreft in black, with maffy gold chains, (perhaps his chamberlain and fteward of the houfhold,) and the other in a white linen habit, not unlike a modern furplice. Whether thefe three carried any enfigns of office is uncertain, as their backs are turned to the spectator. These are fucceeded by two perfons on horfeback, in orange-coloured gowns, with a mace-bearer dreffed in crimfon on each fide of them. After them march two others on horfeback, with black bonnets on their heads, and gold chains round their necks, fupported alfo on their right and left by a mace-bearer, dreffed in a fanguine coloured habit.

Then Sir Thomas Wriothefley, garter king at arms, bare-headed, and in the tabard of his order, mounted on a pyebald horfe, richly trapped and caparifoned, fupported on his left-hand by a ferjeant at arms, mounted on a black horfe and followed by

Sir Thomas Grey, Marquis of Dorfet, bare-headed, carrying in its theath the sword of ftate, upright, dreffed in a gown of cloth of gold, over which hangs the collar of the garter, and mounted on a beautiful dun horfe, richly trapped and caparifoned; by his fide run two milk-white greyhounds, with collars round their necks.--[Why these animals should be introduced thus confpicuously in fuch a folemn piece, connoiffeurs feem at a lofs to afcertain. We, therefore, beg

leave to hazard a conjecture, that, agreeably to the fantastic humour of the times, it was in allufion to the family name of the Marquis whom they accompanied.]

The Marquis of Dorfet is followed by fix yeomen of the guard on foot, their partizans on their fhoulders, in fcarlet habits, guarded and laced with blue velvet, and on their breafts and backs the union, role, enfigned with the crown royal, embroidered in gold.

Then come two of the king's pages on foot, the one bare-headed, the other bonnetted, both dreffed in crimson, embroidered on the back with the union rose, between a greyhound and a dragon. Their breeches and fleeves are large, flashed, and puffed with fine cambrick, and their ftockings and fhoes are white.

The King's Majefty, mounted on a ftately white courfer, most richly caparifoned, all the trappings, reins, ftirrups, &c. being covered with wrought gold, highly emboffed. The king has on his head a black velvet hat, with a white feather on the upper fide of the brim, and under it a broad lacing of rubies, emeralds, &c. intermixed with pearl. His garment is cloth of gold, plaited, over a jacket of rofe-coloured velvet. His collar is compofed of rubies and pearls, fet alternately; and on his breaft is a rich jewel of St. George, fufpended by a ribbon of the order. His boots are of yellow leather, and in his right hand is a fmall whip.