fair representation of the general constituency of the empire, including, as it does, within it all classes and all interests, in a proportion not differing greatly from that in which they exist in the nation at large. At the late election this constituency was nearly equally divided; but the two divisions were totally distinct from those which, from time immemorial, had prevailed in Yorkshire. The Fitzwilliams and the Lascelleses no longer headed the opposing hosts of Whigs and Tories, each phalanx combining a due mixture of the aristocracy, the farmers, and the traders of the county. They now fought in the same ranks. The Tory and the Whig aristocracy, with their respective dependents and adherents, were arrayed, as one united body, in opposition to that of the great mass of the free-trading reformers who, with the force derived from the enthusiasm consequent on the victory of the Corn-Law League, so triumphantly seated Mr. Cobden, at the last general election, without a contest. The division exhibited on this occasion will, we doubt not, ere long, be that which will separate the whole constituencies of the kingdom into two opposing parties. The members of the present House of Commons who hold the views represented by the defeated candidate in the Yorkshire election are, as yet, it is true, a comparatively small portion of its total number; but they constitute a nucleus round which will be formed a most powerful and influential body, constituting one of the two divisions between which the contest for power, and for the administration of the affairs of the empire, will thenceforward be waged. Preparatory to this contest, the old Whig party will disappear. As Mr. Fitzwilliam had to retreat from the arena in Yorkshire, so the party of which he was a representative will have to withdraw from the national arena whereon it has so long performed such a conspicuous part, and it will be chiefly merged in the general aristocratic body, formed by such a union throughout the nation as was effected for the time between the Whig and Tory aristocracy of Yorkshire at the recent election.

Meanwhile, and until the new parties in the progress of arrangement shall be more fully developed, and more distinctly formed, the Protectionists, who must now be hopeless of resisting the further progress of free-trade principles, but who, in regard to many subjects of the deepest concern to the aristocracy, as a body, have ground to rely far more certainly on Lord John Russell than on Sir Robert Peel, will incline to support the former. His natural sympathies, like his connexions, are all towards the aristocracy; and the old Whig party, whose sentiments he very truly reflects, was eminently aristocratic. In particular, his support of the Established Church, being founded on real attachment and decided principle, will be persevering

and resolute; and the maintenance of the Establishment will ultimately form one of the grand questions on which the two future political parties of the country will be mainly opposed. The great strength of the Church of England, founded not merely on its intimate connexion with the aristocracy, and the existence of such a powerful interest on their part to maintain it, but on the opinion and reverence of a large proportion of the population of all classes, will prevent any question as to its overthrow being directly raised for years to come. But come that

question will; and, considering the railway-speed at which events advance now-a-days, it may come sooner than is anticipated. The prospect of its advent, however, must even now affect the composition of the political parties undergoing the process of re-casting. Accordingly, in the West Riding election the supporters of the Establishment were found generally ranged on the side of the aristocracy, while the great body of the Dissenters took their place in the opposing ranks. Now, on this great question, while the aristocracy may fully rely, as we have said, on the hearty and continued support of Lord John Russell, they can scarcely look for that of Sir Robert Peel beyond the period during which he may need the support of the Church more than it needs his. They will not probably forget that he was the champion of the cause of Roman Catholic exclusion till the moment when his defection secured the triumph of that of Emancipation; and that he upheld the Corn Laws till the crisis when a blow from his hand could deal destruction to them; and they will consequently anticipate that, if the period should arrive when the Church has to engage in a life-and-death struggle for existence, though he may have stood by it steadily up to that instant, he might then turn round, and lead its assailants to a certain victory. We incline, therefore, to look for such a cooperation between the Tory party and Lord John Russell as will, for the present, maintain him in power, and may ultimately lead to a permanent connexion between him and them. As for Sir Robert Peel, he will scarcely commit himself to the movement now commenced, till it has made farther progress, and attained a surer prospect of final success. Meanwhile, he will give a general countenance to the principle of effecting every practical reform in the financial and other branches of administration; and, standing aloof from any specific proposition as to extent or details, he will exhibit his own unquestionably superior qualifications for dealing with such reforms. --pointing out the practical errors of the authors of the various "amateur budgets" that have been or may be brought forward, and leading the country as much as possible to the inference. that no one is better fitted than himself to effect a great and

substantial relief in the burdens of the country, without any sacrifice of its security or influence. And truly the country is well prepared to believe this of him. With a nearly unbounded confidence in his sagacity, and in his tact in seizing the critical moment for accomplishing his objects, they believe that he is, at heart, in favour of the movement, while his very caution and system of concealment impress them with a mysterious conviction of his skill and power in commanding success. If he saw his way clear to assume the leadership of the movement party, and to take office with their support, he would probably enlist under him many of the adherents of the present Ministry, who would not willingly make the stand to which their leader inclines; and we believe that the great mass of the non-partisan portion of the people, and almost the whole of the trading and commercial community, would rally round him, raising him to power, and maintaining him there, in despite of all the aristocratical or party interest that could be exerted against him. He is too cautious, however, to take such a step suddenly, and before he himself sees clearly that such anticipations as these would certainly be realized. During this session, therefore, in all probability, while we shall witness a more thoroughly organized opposition to the Ministry, and more numerous as well as more vigorous assaults on their administration, we shall also, in all likelihood, unless the feeling out of doors be so strongly expressed as to encourage a decided movement on the part of Sir Robert Peel, see them still in office at the end of it; more from the nonexistence, as yet, of any party able to take their place, than from confidence in them on the part either of the constituency or of their representatives. Still they will have an arduous session to work through, and several most important and urgent questions to dispose of. To one or two of these we propose shortly directing the attention of our readers, but we must first advert to a preliminary subject of no inconsiderable importance, which will probably engage the attention of Parliament, viz., the improvement of the mode of conducting its business, so as, in some measure, to check the interminable delays which interrupt, to such an extent, the progress of legislation, and to admit of a greater approximation being made towards the business of the country being really done.

Not long before last session closed, this subject was referred to a select Committee of the House of Commons, appointed "to consider the best means of promoting the despatch of public business in this House." The Committee included the leading men on all sides of the House; and it had the peculiar advantage of receiving evidence not only from the Speaker, as to the improvements which his experience suggested, but also from

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M. Guizot, as to the conduct of business in the French Chambers, and from Mr. Curtis, an American citizen, as to that of the United States' Congress. The recommendations of the Speaker had mainly in view the checking of the interruptions to debates, by motions for adjourning the House, or for adjourning the debate, affording a means of bringing to a close a debate already adjourned, and saving some out of the "eighteen" questions which, in addition to those in Committee, must of necessity be put in order to carry any one bill through the House, and on each of which questions, and every amendment upon them, a separate debate and division may now take place. The evidence of M. Guizot and Mr. Curtis chiefly related to the methods in use, in the French Chambers and in Congress, for closing debates, and as to the rule, in the latter Assembly, for restricting the length of the speeches of individual members, called the one hour rule," from the period to which each member is limited.

The privilege possessed in our House of Commons of over and over again, in the course of the same discussion, moving an adjournment of the House, or of the debate, affords a means of most unduly and unfairly obstructing the business, and of evading the rule which prevents any member from speaking twice on the same question; while the practice of adjourning debates from might to night, extending them sometimes over several weeks, has become an intolerable nuisance, grievously wasting the time of Parliament, and seriously injuring the effectiveness of the discussions. During last session, this grievance reached an unprecedented height. Several adjourned debates were more than once depending at the same time; and the whole public business was disarranged, and postponed, in a manner destructive to the service of the country, and most pernicious from the disgust and contempt towards the proceedings of the House of Commons which were thereby generated in the minds of the community. For checking these great and yearly augmenting evils, the Speaker suggested, that all questions for adjournment made in the course of a debate-whether for the adjournment of the House or of the debate-should be decided without discussion; that a division on it—which occupies a considerable portion of timeshould not be allowed, unless at least twenty-one members should stand up in their places and say "aye" to the motion; and that such motion, if negatived, should not again be repeated till after the lapse of one hour; while, for bringing adjourned debates finally to a close, he proposed, that a modified scheme, like the methods resorted to in the French Chambers and the United States' Congress, should be adopted. In the former, any member, or members, wishing the debate closed, call "la clôture;"

one member only of those objecting to this can be heard to speak against it, and none can speak in its favour; but the question is put without further discussion, "must the debate be closed?" and if that question be decided in the affirmative, the debate ceases, and the main question is put to the vote. In Congress, again, the same object is effected by means of what is termed the "previous question." This is very different from that which goes by the same name with us, and is simply this, "shall the main question be now put?" When this question is demanded, the Speaker inquires if it be "seconded," or supported, and all who concur in the demand rising, they are counted by the Speaker, who, if there be a majority in its favour, then puts this previous question, and if that pass in the affirmative, all debate ceases, and the questions on the amendments made, and on the bill before the House, are put without further debate. These methods are said to have worked well, and nevér to have been abused by the majority; but, unless somewhat modified, they could scarcely be adopted in our House of Commons without risk of surprises; the quorum of the House being only forty, and the residences of members so scattered and distant as to preclude their being speedily brought up on an unexpected motion to close the debate. The modification suggested by the Speaker was, that the motion for this purpose should only be competent at one specific period, namely, before the order of the day for resuming an adjourned debate is read; and that it should not be actually carried into effect by a compulsory closing of the discussion, till two o'clock in the morning of the sitting at which the resolution to close may have been carried. His proposition was, that if the House should so agree to a resolution that the debate be not further adjourned, no member should be allowed to rise after two o'clock in the morning of that same sitting; at which hour, if not previously decided, the Speaker should put the question. If notice that such a motion was to be made on resuming an adjourned debate were required, nothing, we think, could be more reasonable and judicious than such a method of bringing a debate to a close; and we cannot doubt that it would greatly improve the character and spirit of the discussion, in addition to the immense saving in the time of the House, by compelling members to condense their speeches. The Speaker remarks, "I have frequently observed, that debates on Wednesdays," (on which day the House always rises at a fixed hour,) "when there happens to be an important question under discussion, (for instance, the debates of last session on Lord Ashley's Bill,) are remarkably good. Some of the best debates I have ever heard in the House have taken place on Wednesday's sitting, when every member was obliged to