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Tranquil Death-Westminster Abbey. 499 was going on in his presence, and had recourse to an artifice to learn. One of them spoke of the poem of Hohenlinden, and pretending to forget the author's name, said he had heard it was by a Mr. Robinson. Campbell saw the trick, was amused, and said playfully, but in a calm and distinct tone, “No; it was one Tom Campbell.” The poet had-as far as a poet canbecome for years indifferent to posthumous fame. In 1838, five years before this time, he had been speaking to some friends in Edinburgh on the subject. “When I think of the existence which shall commence when the stone is laid above my head, how can literary fame appear to me to any one—but as nothing . I believe, when I am gone, justice will be done to me in this way-that I was a pure writer. It is an inexpressible comfort,
time of life, to be able to look back and feel that I have not written one line against religion or virtue.” The next day swelling of the feet appeared. In answer to an inquiry, he replied, with a remarkable expression of energy, “ Yes, I have entire control over my mind. I am quite” — Beattie lost the last word, but thinks it was “resigned.” “Then, with shut eyes and a placid expression of countenance, he remained silent but thoughtful. When I took leave at night, his eye followed me anxiously to the door, as if to say, 'Shall we meet to-morrow ?!” Dr. Beattie's journal records a few days passed like the last. Religious feeling was, as the closing scene approached, more distinctly expressed. Beattie was thinking of the lines in THE LAST MAN, when he heard with delight the dying man express
his belief in life and immortality brought to light by the Saviour.”
This spirit shall return to Him
Who gave the heavenly spark ;
When thou thyself art dark !
By Him recall’d to breath
And took the sting from death. “ To his niece he said, 'Come, let us sing praises to Christ;' then, pointing to the bedside, he added, Sit here.? Shall I pray for you?' she said. "Oh yes,' he replied ; ' let us pray for each other.'
The liturgy of the Church of England was read; he expressed himself “ soothed-comforted.” « The next day, at a moment when he appeared to be sleeping heavily, his lips suddenly moved, and he said, “We shall see * tomorrow,'---naming a
long departed friend.” On the next day he expired without a struggle.
This was the fifteenth of June ; on Thursday, the 27th, he was interred in Westminster Abbey, in a new grave, in the centre of Poet's corner. Among the mourners in the funeral procession were the Duke of Argyle, and other representatives of the house of Campbell; Sir Robert Peel and Lord Strangford. Lord Brougham was there, and Lockhart and Macaulay. A monument is projected to his memory, and on the committee are Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel.
Among Dr. Beattie's recollections of the poet's conversations a year or two before, he tells of the emphasis with which he repeated Tickell's lines on the burial of Addison. “Lest I should forget them,” Dr. Beattie adds," he sent me a copy of them next day in his own handwriting.” With these lines from one of the most affecting poems in the language we close our notice of a book in many respects honourable to its author ; in none more than in his anxious wish to conceal the faults and to vindicate the memory of his distinguished friend.
Can I forget the dismal night that gave
Prospects of the Session.
ART. VIII.—Report from the Select Committee on Public Business,
together with the Minutes of Evidence, and Appendix. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, 14th August 1848.
The ensuing Session of Parliament can scarcely pass over in the same manner as the last. The upheaving of the Continent, with the overthrow of its Governments, on the one hand, and the outbreak in Ireland, on the other, combined with the disorganized state of our political parties to enable ministers, last year, to tide through an unusually prolonged Session without any effective opposition, notwithstanding the signal and disgraceful failure of their budget, the abandonment of almost all their promised measures of improvement, and the derelinquishment, in a great measure, so far as legislation was concerned, of the functions of a Government. They cannot expect a like forbearance during the Session that is about to conimence, The country will not again submit, nor allow their representatives to submit, to the mockery of Parliament sitting for nine months, and leaving no results beyond three, or at most four, Acts which will be of any permanent benefit to the country, and these not of great value in themselves, except the Health of Towns Bill, and far within—in respect to the advantages conferred by themwhat they ought to have been. Even if the state of the Continent and of Ireland should continue as unsettled and disturbed as during the eventful year which has lately closed, men would not acquiesce in that policy of stationary inaction which during its currency our Legislature pursued. The first effect, indeed, of such convulsions, as we have witnessed among the nations abroad, is to produce a pause,—to create a cautious dread of making any movement, lest the mere motion should precipitate an unlooked for and disastrous crisis. Now, however, that our stability for the time has been ascertained, and our position thoroughly reconnoitred and understood, reflection and experience draw from such convulsions, as the true lesson which they teach, this conclusion, that not another moment should be lost in remedying existing abuses, relieving the people from unjust burdens, convincing them that the Constitution under which they live is truly fitted beneficently to improve their condition and to fulfil the objects of social government, and enlisting in its support, by a participation in its franchises, those classes who may be relied on as intelligent friends of order, instead of leaving them to swell the ranks of its enemies, driven there by a sense of the injustice done them in their exclusion. We can scarcely believe that there exists a single anti-reformer or protectionist,
who, looking back to last February, would calmly and deliberately desire that the Reform Bill and the repeal of the Corn Laws had been then still to be agitated for, and who does not now feel in his heart that the safety of this country, amid the crash of continental kingdoms, was owing, under God, to these two measures having been previously accomplished. All thinking men must be more thoroughly confirmed, by the events of last year, in their conviction of the fearful danger of resisting reforms rendered necessary by the advance of society, till the pressure becomes so great as to burst through every barrier, and, consequently, in all likelihood, to sweep away in an overwhelming flood, not merely the obstacles to improvement, but the whole existing political institutions of the country, leaving it open to the disorders and desolations of anarchy, or, to what is scarcely less to be deplored, the iron domination of military despotism. A loud call will therefore be made on the Government for action
—for an advance onward ; and if they do not respond to it in a way fitted to meet, to a considerable extent, the desires of the country, they must be prepared to abide an assault which, though it may not peril their existence as a Ministry, will at least require all their own energies, and the strenuous aid of former political opponents, in order to repel it.
Arrangements have already been made for such an assault, in the more complete organization, as a separate political party, of those liberal members of the House of Commons who Mr. Hume and Mr. Cobden as their leaders, and whose strength and influence will mainly depend on the zeal with which they are supported, beyond the walls of Parliament, in regard to the special question which they have selected for their first battlefield, that of Financial Reform. The position about to be taken up by these members will render necessary some re-formation and new combinations among the other parties in the House. The Ministry, bereft of the support of so large a portion of their followers, now to be arrayed resolutely against them, must, of necessity, rely on the aid of former opponents of the Conservative party, unless they are prepared to go much further than any one at present expects; and, so far as regards the high Tory portion of that party, we believe they may rely with confidence on such aid being given them—not only on the question of Financial Reform, but also generally, to maintain them in the administration of the affairs of the country. For a short time after the death of Lord George Bentinck, it was supposed that that event might open up a way for a re-union of the two divisions of the Conservative body, so as to hold out the prospect of the restoration of an united Conservative Government with Peel at its head; without which re-union, a Conservative ministry could
State of Parties.
503 not be constituted with any hope of permanency. Subsequent declarations, however, of continued personal hostility to Sir Robert, on the part of the protectionists, seem to preclude all likelihood of their again taking him for their leader; and, indeed, the circumstances attending their previous connexion and separation present, we should think, an insurmountable barrier to their acting together. So far back as May 1844, when Sir Robert was still upholding the Corn Laws, we ventured to record our opinion, that even then, the aristocracy whom he served looked on him with lively suspicion. “On the other hand,” we observed, “they, mortified to find themselves, with all their power and influence, so dependent on his talents and management, jealous of his profession of liberal views which they can scarcely reconcile with devotion to their service, cannot but harbour the strongest suspicion, that if he could base his own power on another equally sure foundation, he would betray their cause.” They now believe that he did betray their cause; and though this might be forgiven in consideration of the effect of the of the Corn Laws, in the protection which that measure must now be acknowledged to have provided against revolution and anarchy, they are doubtless convinced that his change of conduct as to that matter did not result from a change of opinion, but was the mere carrying out of long held, but long concealed, views which would lead him again, if he had the power, to the adoption, when fitting opportunities occurred, of other measures, equally obnoxious to them, and equally injurious, as they fancy, to their interests as a class. Even, therefore, in their hopeless destitution of leaders of their own body, they will not in all likelihood turn again to Sir Robert Peel. If so, however, they can scarcely venture to assume power themselves, and consequently, they will not seek to turn out the Whigs, and so place the reins of government in hands in which they would be far more unwilling to see them. To them, therefore, Lord John Russell may confidently look for support against the attacks of the more advanced section of the Liberal party, not only in resisting their demands for retrenchment and further reform, but generally, we should anticipate, in maintaining him in power, inasmuch as they may justly consider the interests which they chiefly regard, safer under his government than under one in which the influence of Sir Robert Peel would be predominant.
The old division, into Whig and Tory, is fast breaking down, and a new fusion and casting of parties is in rapid progress. Of this the recent contest in the West Riding of Yorkshire presented at once a proof and a specimen. "The immense constituency of that important district may be taken as affording a