at Madras were imploring him to return, as all there were in alarm, daily expecting to be besieged by a French armament, known to be on its way from Europe. In this predicament, Clive made a false step; for the first and last time of his life he called a council of war. His whole force consisted of 3,000 men, one-third of them English, the rest sepoys, and his artillery consisted of eight six-pounders and a howitzer. The question which he propounded was, "Whether, in our present situation, without assistance, and on our own bottom, it would be prudent to attack the nabob; or whether we should wait till joined by some country power?" Clive spoke first, and voted for delay; he was joined by eight others, and seven were for an immediate attack, so that the council, which was composed of sixteen officers, was nearly divided. The question was regarded as definitely settled, and Clive retired to a grove, where, resting under a tree, he revolved the matter again in his mind for a whole hour, and then, regardless of the decision of the council, and of his own expressed opinion, announced his intention of attacking the enemy. No one describes a battle better than Mr. Gleig, and we therefore transcribe from his pages the triumph of Plassey: "At dawn of day on the 22d, the army began to cross the river; by four in the afternoon the last division was safely across. No halt ensued. The boats being towed against the stream with great labor, the infantry and guns pushed forward; and after a march of fifteen miles, the whole bivouacked, about three in the morning of the 23d, in a grove, or small wood, not far from Plassey. weapons. But among had seen on their own side of India. The fact "The battle of Plassey began at daybreak, and was continued for many hours, with a heavy cannonade on the part of the enemy, to which the guns of the English warmly replied. The fire of the latter told at every sound; that of the former was much more noisy than destructive, partly because Clive sheltered his men behind a mud fence which surrounded the grove, partly because the nabob's artillerists were as unskilful as their weapons were cumbrous. No decisive movement was, however, made on either side, for Clive felt himself too weak in numbers to act on the offensive: besides, he still expected that Meer Jaffier would come over to him, and until some indication of the anticipated move were given, he did not consider that he would be justified in quitting his ground. The nabob's troops, on the other hand, were such as the ablest general could not pretend to manœuvre under fire, and able generals were wholly wanting to them. Under these cir"Clive's intelligence had led him to expect that cumstances Clive, whom excessive fatigue had the enemy were in position at Cossimbogue. A worn out, lay down and slept, although not until rapid march had, however, carried them on he had given directions that, in the event of any to Plassey, where they occupied the line or en- change occurring, he should be immediately calltrenched camp, which, during the siege of Chan- ed. Accordingly, about noon, one of his people dernagore, Roydullub had thrown up, and scarcely awoke him, and said that the enemy were retiring. were the British troops lain down, ere the sound He started up; the day, it appeared, being overof drums, clarions, and cymbals warned them of cast, a heavy shower had followed, which so damthe proximity of danger. Picquets were imme-aged the enemy's powder, that their artillery bediately pushed forward, and sentinels planted, and for an hour or two longer the weary soldiers and camp-followers were permitted to rest. "Day broke at last, and forth from their entrenched camp the hosts of Suraj-a-Doulah were seen to pour. 40,000 foot, armed, some with match-locks, others with spears, swords, and bows, overspread the plain; fifty pieces of cannon moved with them, each mounted upon a sort of wheeled-platform, which a long team of white oxen dragged, and an elephant pushed onwards from the rear. The cavalry numbered 15,000; and it was observed that in respect both of their horses and equipments, they were very superior to any which Clive and the soldiers of the Carnatic came in a great degree useless; and as they trusted entirely to their superiority in that arm, they no longer ventured to keep the field. In a moment, Clive gave the word to advance. There was one little band attached to the nabob's force which served him in good stead that day. It consisted of about forty French soldiers, European and native, the remains of the garrison of Chandernagore, with four light field-pieces. Against these Clive first directed an attack to be made, and though they resisted stoutly, he drove them from a redoubt in which they were established, and seized their guns. With the apparent design of preventing this, the nabob's people again sallied forth; but they came on this time in a confused mass, and a well-directed fire from the English guns first checked and then turned them. Advantage was promptly taken of the panic, no respite was given to the fugitives, for the victors entering with them pell-mell into their camp, soon converted the retreat into a flight. In an hour from the first movement of the English beyond the exterior of the grove, a battle, on which may be said to have hung the destinies of India, was decided."-Gleig's Life of Clive, pp. 81, 82. As the battle was closing, Clive observed a dense body of troops, on the enemy's left, moving obliquely towards his right. They made no communication, and were fired on as they approached. When the engagement was quite over, horsemen came in announcing that this was Meer Jaffier's corps, and that he sent his congratulations to the victors. On the following morning that chieftain entered the camp; but he was obviously uneasy, and appeared conscious of his duplicity; for he was observed to change color when the guard turned out to receive him. Clive, however, soon calmed his fears. He received him with open arms, and hailed him as Nabob of Bengal, Bahar, and Ovissa. Such was the battle of Plassey, which forms the first great era in the history of British India. Fought under circumstances of great discouragement, it achieved for us the richest district of Hindostan, established England as a recognized power, and spread the terror of her arms throughout the provinces of the Mogul empire, then tottering to its fall. Mr. Wilson's work, now completed, meets, we are quite sure, the expectations of the public. We much regret that he did not rewrite the history of the period embraced by Mill; but he has done the next best thing, by correcting the errors and fancies of that much-biassed author, in his well-considered notes. DEATH OF IBRAHIM PASHA. His Highness Ibrahim Pasha, Viceroy of Egypt, died on the 10th Nov., and Abbas Pasha, his nephew, succeeds him in the Pashalic, according to the firman granted by the Sultan in June, 1841, at the close of the Syrian war, by which the succession to the Government of Egypt is to descend in a direct line to Mehemet Ali's male posterity, from the elder to the elder among his sons and grandsons. Ibrahim Pasha, Mehemet Ali's son, was born at Cavalla, in Roumelia, in 1789, and was thus at the age of fiftynine years at his death. His education was similar to what is generally given to Oriental princes; he spoke Turkish, Arabic, and Persian, which he also wrote with facility, and he employed several hours of the day in reading books on history, of which he was very fond; he knew no European language, but he regularly had the newspapers translated to him. Ibrahim Pasha has left only three sons living: Ahmed Bey, born in 1825; Ishmael Bey, born in 1830, both pursuing their studies in Paris; and Mustapha Bey, born in 1835, at present in Cairo. Ibrahim Pasha was buried with military honors, but with little ceremony, on the day of his death, in Mehemet Ali's family tomb, in the vicinity of Cairo. Abbas Pasha, who succeeds Ibrahim in the government of the country, was born in Arabia in 1813. He is the son of Toussoon Pasha, Mehemet Ali's second son, who died of the plague in the year 1816, and his right to the succession arises from his being at present the eldest living male member of Mehemet Ali's family. Abbas Pasha has hitherto led a very quiet life, and has been for many years Governor of Cairo. He has had, from his own option, little intercourse with the Europeans; he is a strict Mahommedan, and on this account the natives are glad of his accession. Abbas Pasha is well versed in Oriental literature; he has a thorough knowledge of the Turkish, Persian, and Arabic languages, and he occupies much of his time in reading and writing. It is expected that the new Viceroy will be favorably inclined towards the English, in consequence of the courtesy shown to him at the outset of his new career by Captain Frushard, for whom, and the officers of his steamer, handsome presents, consisting of swords, mouthpieces, and snuffboxes, have already been despatched from Cairo to Suez. the savage orator is only esteemed so long as his tongue can be heard among his people. One other cause of the equal estimation in which a warrior is held both in civilized and savage life is that, in these two conditions of society, the warlike capacities are identical. The most inhuman savage on the battle-field is morally on a par with the most skilful and courageous general; so that Schamyl, who leads his dauntless Circassians against the Russians, or Tecumseh, who combined the Indian tribes against the United States, or Abd-el-Kader, who led his Arab hosts against the French, were and are all equal in the high warlike attributes, and certainly far more noble in purpose than the so-called Christian generals with whom they have contended. EVERY condition of society produces its, rior is generally glorified and exalted, while remarkable men. The savage, who spends his life in hunting wild beasts and in fighting with his brother savage, whose knowledge of the arts scarcely extends beyond the manufacture of war-weapons, and whose civilization has not even yet taught him what we esteem to be the decencies of life, has his hero and beau ideal of manly virtue, just as the most refined partisan has. In all the phases of social condition there have been men who may be termed the history-makers-men who have stood out in bold relief from their fellows, and have rendered their nations famous through their own individual activities. If we look into humanity we will find that all national fame has resulted from the acts of a very small number of men in any nation, the spheres and degrees of fame increasing and extending, of course, as the sciences and arts multiply. In savage warlike nations, such as the tribes of North America and those of the Caucasus, oratory and physical daring are the two most famous attributes of a man; indeed they are the only virtues of manhood that are regarded as worthy of cultivation and distinction by primitive nations. Oratory and military skill also maintain a high state of distinction in the most civilized states; but they are not the only elements of distinction, for famous mechanicians and artists are esteemed worthy of great honor amongst those who cultivate the arts of peace, and who have risen from that abnormal condition called savage life, in which the animal nature receives its fullest development, to that higher state of intellectual existence called civilization. Abd-el-Kader was the third son of an old Arab merchant, whose tribe dwelt in the plain of Ghris, to the south of Oran. The ambition of the father, the genius of the son, and the condition of the Arabs of the plain, combined to produce those circumstances which have rendered the young emir illustrious. The old marabout's ambition is said to have been stimulated by prophetic assurances that his would become a most exalted and famous family. The courage, firmness and intellectual energy of Abd-el-Kader pointed him out as the object through which his house was to become great among the tribes, while the tyranny of the Turks, and the growing discontent of the Arabs whom they oppressed, pointed to the means by which this greatness should come. Abd-el-Kader was, from his infancy, carefully educated in Primitive nations can only produce two all the Mussulman superstitions, and he early sorts of great men, then-their orators and discovered that thoughtful and solitary auswarriors. The fame of the former is never terity so much esteemed as an evidence of likely to extend beyond his tribe; that of the sanctity among the Orientals. In addition latter may extend over a wide circle, and to his religious fervor, he was early remarkcome down to a distant posterity. Oratory able for an enthusiastic patriotism; and only operates upon the kindred council; war although small and apparently weakly in form, is a scourge that the stranger feels, and of was distinguished above all his compeers for eourse remembers; so that the savage war-physical strength and endurance, and the ease with which he could manage the most fiery steed. Although withheld by religious considerations from rebelling against the Turkish oppressors of his country, he was soon brought into collision with them. No devout Mussulman who is able to make the pilgrimage to Mecca neglects to do so once in his life; so that the young chief and his father, when the former was not yet twenty years of age, set out to visit the tomb of the Prophet, intending to embark from Oran, and proceed by sea. They were seized and insulted by the bey of Oran, and only escaped from being sacrificed to his vengeful fears by the coolness and courage of the young chief. Mahhi Eldin, the father of Abd-el-Kader, and the young man, visited the east, and remained there two years, not only visiting mosques and tombs of saints, but studying politics. The character, designs, and political sagacity of Mehemet Ali are said to have greatly influenced the young Arab; and his success in rendering his pachalic so formidable as a warlike power, and at the same time so consolidated as a nation, operated much to direct his ambition. With the experience deduced from travel and observation, the aged marabout and his son returned home to reflect upon the condition of their nation, and to watch in their tents an opportunity of shaking off the intolerable tyranny of the anarchical military power which sold the pachalics of Algiers, Oran, and the other provinces, to the highest bidders, and, like the Roman prætorian guard, deposed their pachas at will, while they ground and oppressed the Arabs by a system of brigandage. The conquest of Algiers by the French considerably modified the designs of Abd-elKader's father, but it hastened the event which had been so long looked for. Mussulman might not with consistency raise the sword against Mussulman, and for this reason had they borne so long; but now when the Frank had come to conquer their land and to triumph over their co-religionists, it behoved all true Mahommedans to rally round the crescent, and drive the French from Africa. The Turkish beys were no longer able to oppress the Arabs, and these latter had refused submission to them; but at the same time the father of Abd-el-Kader went about from tribe to tribe urging them to combine in one grand confederation, to choose a sultan or supreme chief, and to prepare for a holy war in defence of their religion. The representations and appeals of the old chief were successful, and an immense host of Arabs met, and attacked the French at Oran, but, as they acted without concert and individual direction, they were repulsed with great lossThis repulse produced the necessity which was to constitute Abd-el-Kader sultan. On the 27th of September, 1832, a great council was held at Èrsebia, in the plain of Ghris, the leading member of which was the old marabout. He presented gifts to all the chiefs, impressed them individually with the necessity of choosing a sultan, and then, rising, he addressed the council upon the necessity of the true believers combining to rescue their brethren from the yoke of the Christians. He painted the future condition of the Arabs of the plain in the most fearful colors, and so operated by his eloquence upon the leaders of the tribes that they unanimously named him sultan. The politic old marabout declined this position, however, pleading his age as an excuse for his refusal, but he named his third son, Abd-el-Kader, as worthy of the honor, saying, "If I propose him in preference to his brothers, it is because I know him to be more capable; he is their superior in knowledge, education, skill in arms, and vigor of mind; and although his body is small and apparently weak, it contains a large soul and an iron will. He is active, cool, and indefatigable, full of ardent love for his country, and of zeal for our religion." The chiefs hesitated to accept one so young, however, even after this recommendation, but superstition completed what policy had begun. An aged chief suddenly declared that it had been revealed in a vision to him that Abd-el-Kader should be sultan; and, as the old man was held in high esteem for courage and probity, the nomination of the young chief was accepted with loud acclamations. Mahhi Eldin, laying hands upon Abd-el-Kader, cried aloud, "Behold your emir!" and the chiefs hastening towards him, threw themselves at his feet in token of submission. From 1832 until 1847, Abd-el-Kader maintained one of the most unequal and remarkable strifes that are upon record. Sometimes, at the head of hosts of well-appointed warriors, he met and routed the bravest and most skilful soldiers of France; and at other times, with a broken and scanty following, he has eluded the closest pursuit. In all his daring and dangerous enterprises, he was accompanied by his mother, wife, and children; and although foiled by his European foeman, deserted by his army, and reduced to the lowest condition that a warrior chief could be reduced, he always preserved those so dear to him safely about his person. He has been hunted like a wild beast for years past, and his subjugation and death have been predicted times without number, but he again and again re-appeared upon the stage of action, visiting with a terrible vengeance the armies that have seized upon the country of his birth. Abd-el-Kader is now about forty years of age. His countenance is characterized by a gentle, half-sorrowful expression, which impresses one with the idea that his predominant sentiment is a religious one. His person has something of the ascetic about it, and recalls the appearance of those monks of old who ever preferred the tumult of the camp to the tranquillity of the cloister. His Arab costume, too, which is longish in form, conduces to render his resemblance to the monks altogether very striking. Abd-el-Kader's brow is large; his face is oval in form, little, and very pale. His eyes are black, soft, and extremely beautiful; they are deep sunk, and generally cast down, but their quick and incessant motion offers a striking contrast to the habitual immobility of his other features. His beard is black, thick, and short. He has upon his forehead, between his eyes, a little blue tattooed mark peculiar to his tribe. It is in the form of a lozenge, and is perfectly visible. Abd-el-Kader is very small in stature, but he is well proportioned. His shoulders are a little bent, however, but this is a defect common to Arabs of low stature, in consequence of their carrying their heads much forward on horseback, and bearing heavy garments and shields on their backs capable of resisting sabre strokes. His cloak, according to the fashion of his country, is fastened to the top of his head by a cord of In his hands, which are finely formed and very white, he always carries a chaplet, which he counts, as all Mussulmans do, when he repeats his prayers. In conversation he is very lively and easy; his voice is deep and monotonous, but his delivery is extremely rapid. He frequently repeats a phrase which is very common amongst the Arabs, In cha Allah," which he contracts to "In ch' Alla (If it please God)." He is sincerely and ardently pious; he is sober in his tastes, austere in his manners, simple in his dress, and devotedly respected and beloved by his soldiers, whose every fatigue he shared, and to whom he gave an example of all the warlike virtues; and so fortunate has he been in entirely escaping even from the most imminent of dangers, that the most superstitious of the Arabs believe him to be invulnerable. Anxiously desirous to justify the promises which his father had made of him when he assumed the command of the camel's hair. 66 tribes, he hastened to summon them to his standard, and in five days had twenty thousand men at his back, mounted, equipped and ready for the fray. The young emir did not allow time for their courage to cool, but immediately led them before Oran. Mahhi Eldin, with Ben Thami, his son-in-law, and Sidi Haly, the brother of Abd-el-Kader, accompanied him on this expedition, Sidi Haly acting as his lieutenant. Abd-el-Kader's native power was fortified by that of the Emperor of Morocco, whom he had the policy to acknowledge as his sovereign, and who encouraged him in his expeditions against the French. The cities of Madeah and Miliana, in the Barbary States, were held in the name of the Emperor of Morocco at the French invasion, and several places were still in the hands of the Turks, while the Moors and Koulouglis (or Turkish militia) held some provinces in conjunction; among others Kemeen, Mostaganene, and Coleah, the three principal divisions of the province of Constantine. Oran alone was in the hands of the French, and against this city Abd-el Kader led his forces. He attacked it with the greatest impetuosity. His own horse was slain under him, but his negro slave, Ben Abon, immediately remounted him, and he dashed headlong once more to the attack. Driven back repeatedly by the discharges of the French musketry, Abd-elKader again and again rallied his men, and led them to the walls amidst showers of bullets. He manifested the coolest intrepidity and the most daring hardihood. His clothes were riddled with balls, one of which slightly wounded his right foot, but this he took care to conceal, so that the belief of his invulnerability was augmented, and his fame, instead of being compromised, was strengthened by his two successive defeats. In this affair at Oran many Arabs and French were killed and wounded, and Abd-el-Kader had the misfortune to see fall at his side his courageous and gallant brother Haly, to whom his brother-in-law Ben Thami succeeded as lieutenant. After the death of his son Haly, Mahhi Eldin, who was at the siege of Oran, did not go forth any more to battle. After having seen his son Abd-el-Kader proclaimed sultan, he was satisfied, and remained at home in his tent for the remainder of his life. He had accompanied the young emir at first, to insure to him by his presence the submission of his new subjects; his mission being accomplished, he retired to his guatna, which was the centre of Abd-el-Kader's hereditary |