England, and shame to such of her Peerage, as tuned their spirits to such a strain! Such raving might have been expected from the angry artisan who in his hunger felt himself betrayed-it was worthy of the baffled villains who had betrayed him; and some part of it was to be forgiven from the friends of those few who unfortunately lost their lives on that day. But such language was pollution to other lips-nor could it have dwelt for a moment on the lips of a man of any conditionthat is, of any education-till he had first flung from him his reason and his justice, forgot all his previous habits of thought, judgment, and expression, and descended from that elevation on which his birth or his acquirements had placed him, down into the lowest depths of the rabble, deplorably assimilating himself in tone, gesture, thought, feeling, and words, with the basest, and foulest, and fiercest of mankind.

How the countenance of each grim incendiary must have glared with savage joy, when, as he brooded in his lonesome den over schemes of pillage and murder, or met his accomplices in some secret conclave for mutual exasperation of each other's hearts, a newspaper may have been put into his hand, whose columns he saw filled with his own language-his own no more-but adopted in the very garb in which it shook the shambles, by squire, and knight, and lord, all emulous to surpass each other in their imitation of the spirit and the manner of the great masters of modern eloquence! The falling away of the lower orders of society from their ancient character, is, in these times, sufficiently to be deplored; but the country would indeed have been lost, had they to whom we allude been true specimens of her gentry and nobility, and had they not stood aloof and by themselves (a band too numerous by far, for the disgrace of one such degenerate son would have been disgrace enough to the land that bore him), despised at the time by all others, and now, beyond doubt, despised by themselves."

Some of them indeed have recanted, and retracted, and qualified-and that too with an air of dignity and self-congratulation as if their candour made them objects of approbation and steem. But they who know the foulness of their offences, and their Vol. VI.

fatal effects, will give them no credit for unsaying what it was shameful for them ever to have said; and they will see the distinction between a patriot nobly confessing himself to have been mistaken even in things which he had dispassionately studied, and a partizan driven by the sense of the country, reluctantly to eat up words by which he had defamed bodies of men who were defending the State, and what was far worse, encouraged bodies of men who were struggling for its overthrow. It is impossible to calculate the effect produced on the rebellious populace, by the lies about sharpened sabres-the murdering of infants in their mothers' arms-the interference of the regular troops to stop the fury of the Yeomanry-and to rescue the defenceless and unresisting from their insatiable lust of blood. Were the gentlemen who, under the most unpardonable delusion, if, indeed, it be not an abuse of language to call that a delusion into which they fell of themselves, without any arts having been practised upon them by any magician more potent than the Pressman and Editor of a radical newspaper-we say, that were the gentlemen who sent forth over a populace already irritated to madness, those pernicious falsehoods under the sanction of their name and authority, to stand in the marketplace of Manchester doing penance in a sheet, such punishment would be inadequate to their offence, nor could it, though repeated once a week for a year, do away the evil which that offence produced.

It has been the uniform practice of ministers to communicate to the Civil Authorities who have, in dangerous emergencies, been called out to act for the preservation of public order, their approbation of the measures adopted by them, provided those measures have seemed justifiable and salutary. Ministers did so in the present instance. And how was this communication of theirs represented by the party? As something monstrous-as not only sanctioning murder, but expressing pleasure that blood had been shed. The plainest words were wrested from their only possible meaning; and the government of the country, while doing that which all governments had done, and which, had they hesitated to do, they would have shewn themselves a timid and dastardly and pusil2U

lanimous government, altogether unfit to be at the head of affairs in such times as these were branded as the abettors of murder, and with "breathless haste," communicating to murderers their satisfaction at the loss of English life. The odium which was thrown on ministers fell back on the civil authorities of Manchester-and the thanks of a just and intrepid government awoke the curses of a wild and abandoned mob. The Party were determined not to lose the advantage which they imagined they had gained by those fatal events, which, judging by their conduct, all but themselves deplored-and they shewed what sort of grief was theirs for the unavoidable death of some of their countrymen, by aggravating that seditious spirit which had caused that death, and brought so many thousand lives into jeopardy; and by basely misrepresenting the language of ministers, so as to render them odious and hateful to the people. So far from ministers having with breathless haste sent off their sanction of acts, of which they knew nothing, that it is now notorious to the whole nation, and it might then, without any stretch of candour, have been presumed, that it was not till after several days and nights of the most anxious and intense consideration of all the circumstances of the case, that they communicated to the civil authorities their satisfaction with the conduct which they had been necessitated to pursue. Can any such monstrous absurdity be maintained, as that no ministers shall dare publicly to bestow approbation on the conduct of any of the servants of the state, till that conduct has first been subjected to the inquisition of the tribunal of the public? Who would serve a state whose ministers were to be so thankless and so cowardly? And by what tenure could any civil authority be held? By that of fear alone-fear of that very people whom that authority was created to control. Had ministers indeed acted thus, and abandoned the civil authorities to the rage of the rabble, they would not only have sacrificed those local magistrates, but they would have sacrificed themselves and their country. It is the duty of a government to trust to its servants, and not to suffer that trust to be shaken by popular injustice. It is their duty to judge for themselves, by what they know, of the conduct of

their servants; and if they are satisfied with it, fearlessly to proclaim that satisfaction. If they have weak and wicked servants, and approve their errors or their crimes, they will not, in this country, be suffered to do so with impunity, but will be overwhelmed by the only voice which a ministry ought to respect or need to fear, the voice of the nation.

We have been led to say this much on a subject which, in parliament, was made the chief charge against Ministers, and by which the Opposition vainly endeavoured to render them odious to the country. But all the delusions seem now to have been dissipated under which the minds of so many lay-and all the falsehoods refuted by which the indignation of so many had been excited against the ministry and the magistracy, an indignation that has now found a different and proper object. We have said that it would be impossible here to enter upon any defence of the local authorities of Manchester, but we cannot help reminding such of our readers as may have forgotten it, what had been the disturbed and dangerous state of the popular mind in the north of England, for a long time previous to the events in question, and what had been the conduct of those very magistrates during that trying period. Was it likely that the persons who had proved their moderation, their sense, and their courage, not only on various occasions ofactual outrage, but throughout the whole course of their conduct, in the midst of disaffection, discontent, and violence, should, all at once, have lost both head and heart, and have been transformed out of conscientious and intrepid men, into blood-thirsty and cowardly slaves?— The meeting at Manchester bore upon it the insignia of rebellion-and they who knew nothing of the previous state of that part of the north of England saw in it enough to excite a strong and rational fear. But the full danger and the full wickedness of that meeting could be known and felt only by those who knew what had long been the obnoxious proceedings of its chiefs. For several years had the most desperate characters been holding meetings, at which violence was threatened to all government and all law,-itinerant orators had spread revolutionary doctrines through all the

surrounding villages, and the press had reached the last audacity of wickedness, teeming with sedition and blasphemy. It is all very easy to say why were such things permitted? that is not the question-they existed. On the 10th of March 1817, a meeting of the reformers was held in Manchester, and the magistrates, deeming that meeting illegal, ordered the military to surround the hustings, and the constables to seize the orators-no resistance was made, and, therefore, no bloodshed ensued. The thanks of government were given to the magistrates, and their conduct approved of by the whole country. There can be no doubt that such determined conduct at that time prevented a great deal of mischief. We know that in other counties serious disturbances broke out that many atrocities were committed-and that blood had to flow upon the scaffold.

But bad as the popular spirit was in Manchester and the neighbourhood in 1817, in 1819 it was a thousand times worse. The press had urged the reformer to take up arms, and to resist the government. That government was represented, as existing only in a savage, but impotent tyranny-the period was said to be close at hand, when, with its destruction, there would be a freedom from all taxes, and an equalization of property. Even schools, it is well known, had been established, in which all religion was treated as a mere name, and in which was inculcated the defiance of government. The reformers had been long trained to the use of arms-and had been accustomed to march in masses in the open daylight, with banners flying, and with bands of music. Knowing all this, in what other light could the local authorities consider an assemblage of 50,000 such people, but as a multitude met in open rebellion against the state. The banners then raised were not merely the banners of that day-but had long been the insignia of rebellion -though, probably, some of the most atrocious character had been framed by the hands of some fair female reformer for that especial occasion, and first consecrated by the spirit of sedition, delivered to the bands that on that day were to shake the government of their tyrants. Had the ringleader of such a fierce democracy been suffered in liberty to see the setting

of that day's sun, there would have been a confession on the part of govern ment by its authorities, that the power of the populace was too formidable to be resisted, and that the laws must be left to their mercy. He was seizedand he was seized in the only way, and by the only power which could have been effectual; entrenched as he was, within a phalanx of his rebellious subjects.

But we must conclude. The dan ger that threatens the country has at last been acknowledged on all hands and by all parties; and such measures have been adopted by the wisdom of parliament, as we doubt not will, by suppressing, finally destroy the wicked spirit in which that danger is bred. We shall probably, in our next Number, take these measures into consideration, as by that time they will have undergone the ordeal of public opinion, and their real character made manifest. Meanwhile, before parting with our readers for another month, we wish to say a very few words upon what we conceive to be still the true and native character of Englishmen, and what will soon exhibit itself, when the power of its wicked disturbers and destroyers is no more. The great body of the English people are in their hearts disposed to look up with a natural respect to the gentlemen of the country; and they deserve that respect by their intelligence, their ho nour, their humanity, and their generous courage. Were the people of England not changed for a time into something abhorrent to their very nature, by wretches who seek to destroy in them those noble qualities which are a reproach to themselves, it would be quite satisfaction enough for them to know, that the administration of their affairs was in the hands of that Body of men. They could wish them in no better-they certainly would not wish them in their own. The fancies that are now abroad upon these subjects are no natural birth of the hearts of Englishmen. They would not, if left to themselves, desire to see the administration of the country's affairs under a responsibility to themselves. They would look up to the higher orders, as their natural guardians, with a frank and merited confidence. The poisoners of the heart of the country may instil into them other feelings but these are their own. Though un

questionably oppressed with ignorance, and fallen in too great a degree of late years from the old integrity of their manners, the English are yet a soberminded, wise, good, contented people. That severity of condition which is annexed to their birth-labour-they bear with a hardy and cheerful spirit. The privations which belong to their life they bear with a strong and unrepining heart. They are willing to accept, and capable of enjoying the happiness which falls within their condition; and least of any men do they wish to disturb the natural order of things, by forcing themselves out of it. Wo to those who would trouble their hearts with that ambition! They like their labour, and wish for themselves no more than a natural welfare, according to the ordinary and possible courses of the world. Under great distress, unknown to those who do not know them, they have exerted, and do still exert, great fortitude and endurance. It is grievous, that in a time of suffering, when their utmost patience and prudence are required for themselves, they should be seduced, by mischievous persuasion, to shew themselves in any character but that most honourable one of their own.

No ruler need wish to govern a nobler people-no man whose own condition of life places him high in society, need wish his lot to be cast among a better. They have hearts open to kindness, and will be bound to those who know how to lay obligations upon them. Nothing can be easier than it is in the higher classes in England to make indissoluble the union of the lower orders of the people to their country. With them lies the strength of the community. They must understand that the mind of the people is by many causes disturbed, and that with them it rests to replace it in its old and settled strength. This is a private duty which every man owes to the public welfare. He must discharge it in privacy and silence around his own home-he must make himself felt by the people to be their friend. This is neither difficult nor troublesome; for they are ready to believe in any affection that is sincere. He must draw their hearts to the state by uniting them to himself-he must restore the stedfast condition of their minds by giving his counsel, and some times his exertion and his wealth to

restore the stability of their condition. The charge that is laid upon the government of the country by the state of the times, is beyond imagination arduous, because in a danger which is of undefined extent, they are required to act with promptitude, decision, and certain effect,—and yet in a danger of which the present amount may be far less than the threatened future, they are required to exceed as little as possible the ordinary limits of freedom. They are required to entertain the most watchful apprehension of danger, and yet in no degree to be swayed by fear. But to the general body of those whose rank, or wealth, or instruction, gives them a place of influence in society-the charge which is laid on them by the times, is in no respect arduous. It is to set their own minds, and the language will follow of course, in opposition to what is pregnant with evil in the spirit of the times; and the great labour and duty which they have to perform and to fulfil, is to support and to promulgate the principles and the blessings of legitimate government. What their duty is, when the danger cannot be so met and removed, is sufficiently understood.

It is to be hoped, that to a great part of the country there is little need to say any thing, except what might induce a more considerate and thoughtful temper as to the times. But there are many undoubtedly, who, without the obstinacy of party, have their minds held in subjection by opinions which belong to party. To them there is much to be said. For they hold opinions which are false, by the spirit in which they are conceived. They may have given them ready acceptance through an open kindness of spirit which sees in the most fanciful doctrines of rights only a more indulgent consideration of human happiness. But there is one thing they have not considered, and that is our human condition. To turn their eyes upon this, and to constrain them to draw from this principle their theory of government, would be to derange the whole temper of spirit in which they are used to reason, requiring them to seek their knowledge not on the agreeable surface of life, but in its difficult and painful depths, and in all its mournful necessities. But these are subjects for future speculation.