councils have condemned for so many centuries? . . . If those who oppose the decrees of councils were to force the Church to convince them of their errors through the medium of books, there would be an end to all fixity and certainty in Christendom; and this is the reason his majesty asks you to answer plainly yes or no, whether you will retract.' On this, Luther besought the emperor not to allow of his being forced to retract in opposition to his conscience, and without his being convinced that he had been in error; adding that his answer was not sophistical, that the councils had often come to contradictory decisions, and that he was ready to prove it. The official briefly answered that these contradictions could not be proved; but Luther persisted, and offered to adduce his proofs. By this time it being dusk, the assembly broke up. The Spaniards mocked the man of God, and loaded him with insults on his leaving the town-hall to return to his hostelry.

"On the following day the emperor summoned the electors and states to take into consideration the drawing up of the imperial ban against Luther and his adherents; in which, however, the safe-conduct was respected.

"In the last conference the archbishop of Trèves asked Luther what he would himself advise in order to bring the matter to a conclusion. Luther replied, "The only advice to be given is that of Gamaliel in the Acts of the Apostles, "If this counsel, or this work, be of men, it will come to naught; but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it." Shortly after, the official of Trèves called on Luther at his hostelry with the imperial safe-conduct for his return. It allowed him twenty days to reach a place of safety; but enjoined him not to preach, or otherwise excite the people on his journey. He left on the next day, April 26, and was escorted by the herald on the emperor's verbal orders. When he reached Friedburg, Luther addressed a letter to the emperor, and another to the electors and states assembled at Worms. In the first, he expresses his regret at having been necessitated to disobey the emperor, adding, but God and God's word are above all men.' He likewise regrets his having been unable to obtain an examination of the evidences which he had drawn from Scripture, and states his readiness to present himself again before any other assembly that may be pointed out, and to submit himself to it in everything without exception, provided God's word

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sustains no attaint."

The letter to the electors and the states is to the same effect. To Spalatin he writes (May 14), "You cannot think how civilly the abbot of Hirsfeld received me. He sent his chancellor and his treasurer to meet us a long mile from his castle, and waited for us himself some short distance from it with a troop of cavaliers to escort us into the city. The senate received us at the gate. The abbot treated us sumptuously in his monastery, and would make me lie in his own bed. On the morning of the fifth day they forced me to preach. I pointed out to them, but without avail, that they would lose their regales should the imperialists treat my preaching as a breach of faith, they having enjoined me not to preach on the road; at the same time, I stated that I had never consented to tie up God's word, which was the truth. I also preached at Eisenach before a terrified clergyman and a notary, and witnesses who entered a protest against my proceedings, alleging fear of their tyrants as their excuse. So you may perhaps hear it said at Worms that I have broken my faith, but I have not. To tie up God's word is a condition beyond my power. Indeed, they thronged on foot from Eisenach to us, and we entered the city in the evening: all our companions had left in the morning with Jerome. For me, I crossed the forest to rejoin my flesh (his parents), and had just quitted them, intending to go to Walterhausen, when, a few moments after, I was made prisoner near the fort of Altenstein. Amsdorf, no doubt, was aware that I should be seized, but he does not know where I am kept. My brother, having seen the horsemen timeously, leapt from the carriage without leave, taking, and I have been told that he reached Walterhausen on foot that evening. As for me, they took off my robe, and made me dress myself as a knight, and I have allowed my hair and beard to grow. You would have some trouble to recognize me, for it is a long time since I have been able to recognize myself. But here I am now living in Christian liberty, freed from all the tyrant's laws."

Luther was conducted to the castle of Wartburg, but did not clearly know to whom he was to attribute the mild and honorable captivity in which he was detained. Having dismissed the herald who escorted him a few leagues from Worms, his enemies have inferred that he was apprised of what was about to happen. His correspondence proves the

contrary. A cry of grief, however, was raised throughout Germany. He was supposed to have perished, and pope and emperor were accused. In reality, it was the elector of Saxony, Luther's protector, who, taking alarm at the sentence launched against him, and unable either to support or abandon him, had devised this means of saving him from his own daring, and of gaining time while he strengthened his party. Hiding Luther was a sure way of raising the exaltation of Germany and its fears for the champion of the faith, to the height.

BOOK THE SECOND.

A. D. 1521-1528.

CHAPTER I.

A. D. 1521-1524.

Luther's Residence in the Castle of Wartburg. He returns to Wittemberg without the Elector's authority. His writings against the king of England, and against princes in general.

WHILST all is indignation and rage at Worms, that the daring offender should have been allowed to escape, the time is gone by, and he soars invisibly over his enemies from the heights of the castle of Wartburg. Happy and safe in his dungeon, he can return to his flute, sing his German psalms, translate his Bible, and thunder at the devil and the pope quite at his ease. "The report gains ground," writes Luther, "that I have been made prisoner by friends sent from Franconia ;" and, at another time, "I fancy it was supposed that Luther had been killed, or condemned to utter silence, in order that the public mind might relapse under that sophistical tyranny which I am so hated for having begun to undermine.” However, Luther took care to let it be known that he was still alive. He writes to Spalatin, “I should not be sorry if this letter were lost by some adroit neglect on your part, or on that of your friends, and should fall into our enemies' hands. Get the Gospel I send you copied out; my writing must not be recognized." "It had been my intention to dedicate to my host, from this my Patmos, a book on the Traditions of men, as he had asked me for information on the subject; but I was restrained through fear of thus disclosing the place of my

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captivity. I have had great difficulty to get this letter forwarded to you, such is the fear of my present retreat's being found out."(June, 1521.) "The priests and monks who played off their pranks whilst I was at large, have become so alarmed since I have been a prisoner, that they begin to soften the preposterous tales they have propagated about me. They can no longer bear up against the pressure of the increasing crowd, and yet see no avenue by which to escape. See you not the arm of the Almighty of Jacob in all that he works, whilst we are silent and rest in patience and in prayer! Is not the saying of Moses herein verified, Vos tacebitis, et Dominus pugnabit pro vobis' (The Lord shall fight for you, and ye shall hold your peace). One of those of Rome writes to a pewit* of Mentz, Luther is lost just as we could wish, but such is the excitement of the people, that I fear we shall hardly be able to escape with life, except we search for him with lighted candles, and bring him back." Luther dates his letters, From the region of the clouds; From the region of the birds; or else, From amidst the birds singing sweetly on the branches, and lauding God day and night, with all their strength; or again, From the mountain; From the island of Patmos. It is from this, his wilderness (ex eremo med), that he pours forth in his sad and eloquent letters the thoughts which crowd upon him in his solitude. "What art thou doing at this moment, my Philip!" he says to Melancthon; “art thou not praying for me? For my part, seated in contemplation the live-long day, I figure to myself the image of the Church, whilst the words of the eighty-ninth Psalm are ever present to me, 'Nunquid vane constituisti omnes filios hominum?' (Wherefore hast thou made all men in vain ?) God! what a horrible spectre of God's wrath is this abominable reign of the antichrist of Rome! I hate the hardness of my heart which does not dissolve in torrents of tears, mourning over the sons of my murdered people. Not one is found to rise up, take his stand on God's side, or make himself a rampart unto the house of Israel, in this last day of wrath? Oh, papal reign, worthy of the lees of ages! God have mercy upon us!" (May 12th.)

*This name, applied to one of the dignitaries of the Church, reminds one of Rabelais' marvellous birds, the papegots, evegots (popejays, bishop-jays), &c.