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CHAPTER XII.

PARTIAL EMANCIPATION OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS. A.D. 1792-1793.

THE United Irishmen were meanwhile growing in importance. Branches were pushed into different parts of Ulster, and affiliated to the parent society. In this way the nucleus of an extensive organization was set on foot. Though Tone and many of his friends were theoretically in their hearts Republicans, the aim of the society at this time was unobjectionable, and extended no further than a thorough reform in the House of Commons, based on the extension of the franchise to all citizens. The main planks in their reform platform were equal electoral districts, household suffrage, vote by ballot, payment of members, and annual Parliaments. The test of admission to the society was as follows: "I, A. B., in the presence of God do pledge myself to my country that I will use all my abilities and influence in the attainment of an impartial and adequate representation of the Irish nation in Parliament; and as a means of absolute and immediate necessity in the establishment of this chief good for

Ireland, I will endeavour as much as lies in my ability to forward a brotherhood of affection, an identity of interests, a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of all religious persuasions, without which every reform in Parliament must be partial, not national, inadequate to the wants, delusive to the wishes, and insufficient for the freedom and happiness of the country."

Tone, though the originator of the movement, had hitherto not had much personal influence in the society; but after the failure of the petition of the Roman Catholic Committee, Keogh took him up and made him assistant secretary to the committee, with a salary of £200 a year-a very important addition to his means, which were extremely slender. From that time he became an accredited agent, both of the Roman Catholics, and of his friends at Belfast; and the ranks of the United Irishmen were considerably reinforced from the Roman Catholic body.

Keogh, under the inspiration of the Opposition leaders, started a plan, in imitation of the course pursued by the volunteers, of summoning a convention of Roman Catholics at Dublin, to give public expression to their wishes. The Ascendency party were greatly agitated by this new move. The grand juries at the ensuing assizes, and the close corporations published furious addresses against the proposed convention and its authors. The magistrates denounced it from the bench. Even the Roman Catholic hierarchy, who were dependent on the Government for toleration, at first were ranged in

opposition. Tone obtained counsel's opinion that the convention would not be illegal, and published it in the newspapers and by handbills. The bishops were either won over or induced to remain neutral. Public meetings were held by both parties; manifestos and counter-manifestos were issued; and the United Irishmen's organ, The Northern Star, was started at the cost of £3000, to advocate the principles of the society.

The convention met in Taylor's Hall, in Back Lane, Dublin, on December 2, 1792. Many of the sixtyeight seceders had rejoined the committee; and a petition was drawn up professing the loyalty of the king's Roman Catholic subjects, and praying that they might be restored to the rights and privileges of the constitution. Five delegates were chosen to present it to the king-Sir Thomas French, and Messrs. Byrne, Keogh, Bellew, and Devereux.

George III. had by this time become thoroughly alarmed at the progress of the French Revolution. Louis, after having endeavoured to escape from France, had been captured by his own subjects and imprisoned in the Temple. The Austrians and Prussians had unjustifiably interfered in the quarrel, and had undertaken his restoration by force of arms. The Duke of Brunswick's threat to pillage Paris had driven the people mad and led to the "September massacres." All France had risen as one man to repel the German invader. Brunswick's failure to force the passes at Valmy, and subsequent retreat, had grievously disappointed the hopes of those who had made sure of a triumphal march to Paris;

and then had followed Dumouriez's brilliant victory at Jemappes, which had laid all Belgium at the mercy of France. The growing war-spirit in England was rapidly forcing Pitt into antagonism with the French Government, The frantic dread of the rising democracy was driving England into an unreasoning panic. And the Tory party and the weak-kneed Whigs, lashed up by Burke's philippics, could see safety in nothing short of the forcible suppression of French Republicanism.

A war with revolutionary France, who boasted that she was prepared to assist all oppressed nations to regain their liberty, could not fail to be a source of anxiety, so long as there was a discontented Ireland on England's flank. England's trouble with America had been Ireland's opportunity twelve years since: a French war might prove the same. The Irish were greatly excited; the spread of French principles in Dublin and Belfast, and the open sympathy shown for the revolution, were a terror to the king and the Government; and they clutched at the policy of winning the support of the Roman Catholics, whose faith was being cruelly persecuted by the Jacobins, by flinging the penal code overboard piece by piece. For the present the Roman Catholics were to be conciliated— the Protestant ascendency must shift for itself. But Pitt saw a way to restore the old balance: Roman Catholic Ireland was to be swamped by Protestant England, and an union to be carried at any cost. The emancipation of the Roman Catholics would force the hand of the independent Protestants.

On January 2, 1793, the five delegates were presented to his majesty by Dundas; and their petition was graciously accepted. Dundas afterwards had an interview with them, in which they told him that they looked not only for the franchise, but for total emancipation; that is, admission to the corporations and to seats in Parliament. Dundas expressed himself as convinced of the necessity of emancipation, informed them that their claims should be recommended to Parliament in the next king's speech, and said that he looked to them to support order in return. They left under the belief that the Government were willing to abolish all the religious disabilities of his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. The success of the mission appeared to be complete. The thanks of the Roman Catholic Committee were voted to Tone, together with the more substantial recognition of his services in the shape of a gold medal of the value of thirty guineas, and the round sum of £1500. A resolution was also carried that a sum of £2000 should be applied to the erection of a statue to the king, "as a monument of their gratitude for the important privileges which they had obtained from Parliament through his paternal recommendation."

Parliament assembled on January 10, 1793. The viceroy, in the speech from the throne, recommended the situation of the Roman Catholic subjects of his Majesty to the attention of Parliament; and Mr. Secretary Hobart, on the 18th, brought in a bill for their further relief. The proposed measure gave to all who were 40s. freeholders in the counties and the few open cities

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