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its operation*** a bank of deposit it exercised * great an
influence, or apparen" influence, 9” the rate of interest and
the state of credit, as at *} former period; it was exposed
to 38 vehement accusations of abusing that influene"; all
a crisis occurred, such as few that preceded it had equalled,
and none perhaps surpassed, in intensity.

. Before quitting the general subject of this chap" ter, I will make the obvious remark, that the rate of interest

so

lic funds, shares in joint stock companies, and all descriptions of securities, * at a high price in proportion as the rate of interest is low. They are sold at the price which will give the market rate of interest on the purchase Imoney? with allowan" for all differences in the risk incurred, or in any circumstan” of convenience. Exchequer bills, for example, usually sco at a higher price than consols, propor: tionally to the interest which they yield; because, though the security is the same, yet the former being annually paid off at par unless renewed by the holder, the purchase, (unless obliged to sell in a moment of general emergency) is in no dang” of losing anything by the resale, excep" the premium he may hay” paid.

The price of land, mines, and all other fixed source* of income, depends in like mann” on the rate of interest. Tand usually sells at a higher price, im proportion to the income afforded by it, than the public funds, not only be cause it is thought, ev" in this country, to \be somewha more secure, but because ideas of poo and dignity. " associated with its possession. But these differences * constant, 9" nearly 80% and in the variations of price, lam follows, capteris paribos, the permanent (though of cour not the daily) variations 9 the rate of interest. . " interest is lo land will naturally 9° dear; when inter is high, land will be cheap. The last long war presen

the income which they " capable of yielding: The pub

* then remark bly high Fol this, however there was *.*Pecial cause * “ontinuance 9f a very h gh orage price of Corn for *y years had raised the *ent of lan ore than i Proportion to the

*oppointm. of those landlords *d farmers Who, gen.

tageous, to What they chose to call the interests of agriculture.

CHAPTER XXIV.

OF THE REGULATION OF A CONVERTIBLE PAPER
CURRENCY.

§ 1. THE frequent recurrence during the last half century of the painful series of phenomena called a commercial crisis, has directed much of the attention both of economists and of practical politicians to the contriving of expedients for averting, or at the least, mitigating its evils. And the habit which grew up during the era of the Bank restriction, of ascribing all alterations of high and low prices to the issues of banks, has caused inquirers in general to fix their hopes of success in moderating those vicissitudes, upon schemes for the regulation of bank notes. A scheme of this nature, after having obtained the sanction of high authorities, so far established itself in the public mind, as to be, with general approbation, converted into a law, at the renewal of the Charter of the Bank of England in 1844: and the regulation is still in force, though with a great abatement of its popularity, and with its prestige impaired by two temporary suspensions, on the responsibility of the executive, the earlier of the two little more than three years after its enactment. It is proper that the merits of this plan for the regulation of a convertible bank note currency should be here considered. Before touching upon the practical provisions of Sir Robert Peel's Act of 1844, I shall briefly state the nature, and examine the grounds, of the theory on which it is founded.

It is believed by many, that banks of issue universally, or the Bank of England in particular, have a power of throwing their notes into circulation, and thereby raising prices, arbitrarily; that this power is only limited by the degree of moderation with which they think fit to exercise it; that when they increase their issues beyond the usual amount, the rise of prices, thus produced, generates a spirit of speculation in commodities, which carries prices still higher, and ultimately causes a reaction and recoil, amounting in extreme cases to a commercial crisis; and that every such crisis which has occurred in this country within mercantile memory, has been either originally produced by this cause, or greatly aggravated by it. To this extreme length the currency theory has not been carried by the eminent political economists who have given to a more moderate form of the same theory the sanction of their names. But I have not overstated the extravagance of the popular version; which is a remarkable instance to what lengths a favourite theory will hurry, not the closet students whose competency in such questions is often treated with so much contempt, but men of the world and of business, who pique themselves on the practical knowledge which they have at least had ample opportunities of acquiring. Not only has this fixed idea of the currency as the prime agent in the fluctuations of price, made them shut their eyes to the multitude of circumstances which, by influencing the expectation of supply, are the true causes of almost all speculations and of almost all fluctuations of price; but in order to bring about the chronological agreement required by their theory, between the variations of bank issues and those of prices, they have played such fantastic tricks with facts and dates as would be thought incredible, if an eminent practical authority had not taken the trouble of meeting them, on the ground of mere history, with an elaborate exposure. I refer, as all conversant with the subject must be aware, to Mr. Tooke's History of Prices. The result of Mr. Tooke's investigations was thus stated by himself, in his examination before the Commons Committee on the Bank Charter question in 1832; and the evidences of it stand recorded in his book: “In point of fact, and historically, as far as my researches have gone, in every signal instance of a rise or fall of prices, the rise or fall has preceded, and therefore could not be the effect of, an enlargement or contraction of the bank circulation.” The extravagance of the currency theorists, in attributing almost every rise or fall of prices to an enlargement or contraction of the issues of bank notes, has raised up, by reaction, a theory the extreme opposite of the former, of which, in scientific discussion, the most prominent representatives are Mr. Tooke and Mr. Fullarton. This countertheory denies to bank notes, so long as their convertibility is maintained, any power whatever of raising prices, and to banks any power of increasing their circulation, except as a consequence of, and in proportion to, an increase of the business to be done. This last statement is supported by the unanimous assurances of all the country bankers who have been examined before successive Parliamentary Committees on the subject. They all bear testimony that (in the words of Mr. Fullarton”) “the amount of their issues is exclusively regulated by the extent of local dealings and expenditure in their respective districts, fluctuating with the fluctuations of production and price, and that they neither can increase their issues beyond the limits which the range of such dealings and expenditure prescribes, without the certainty of having their notes immediately returned to them, nor diminish them, but at an almost equal certainty of the vacancy being filled up from some other source.” From these premises it is argued by Mr. Tooke and Mr. Fullarton, that bank issues, since they cannot be increased in amount unless there be an increased demand, cannot possibly raise prices; cannot encourage speculation, nor occasion a commercial crisis; and that the attempt to guard against that evil by an artificial management of the issue of notes, is of no effect for the intended purpose, and liable to produce other consequences extremely calamitous.

* Regulation of Currencies, p. 85.

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