changes of officers, the following pithy remark occurs, on observing, that "Colonel Moneypenny has always an eye to "get a good and useful officer into the 73rd; but I rely upon 66 you to be equally watchful and not to lose the services of "useful men, so long as you can keep them."

There is in vol. iii. page 33, an admirable letter to Lieut. Frisell, on the Peshwah, or first magistrate of the Mahratta empire, entering into arrangements for the settlement of the different provinces, replete with acuteness, and showing that he is neither to be overreached nor deluded into loose arrangements, which might have left many at the Peshwah's tender mercies; every concession is virtually made contingent on the performance of acts in accordance with humanity and justice. It may be regretted that we can only quote one paragraph of this admirable composition, in which a word can neither be added nor abstracted; a lawyer, with his verbosity and tautology, would not have drawn such a contingent agreement on less than a hundred sheets of foolscap.

"The Peshwah should be made to understand, that the British Government feel for the honour, the security, and the prosperity of his government, in the same manner as they do for that of the Company; that they are too strong to render it necessary that they should have recourse to intrigues to overturn his government, if they should wish it, which is by no means likely; and that, on the other hand, their strength will always protect him from the effects of the intrigues among his relations and subjects, which he had heretofore so much reason to apprehend."-Vol. iii. p. 33.

Discussing, with Colonel Murray, the treaty made with the Rajah of Lunawarra, the same noble feelings appear:

"In a transaction of this nature, however, the very foundations of which are the necessity of preserving the Company's faith, and the confidence of the enemy in the honour of the British government, it is necessary to proceed with caution in every instance. Accordingly, I wish you to let me know the particular agreement which you had made verbally with the Rajah of Lunawarra before you received my letter of the 26th of January. I still fear that Scindiah's ministers may object to the treaty, that it was not concluded till six weeks after they had signed the treaty of peace. However, if verbal arrangements were made, by which both parties were bound, it must answer the same purpose."-Vol. iii. p. 108.

To Mr. Scott Waring, the resident at Poonah, he writes in a similar mood on the Peshwah's disinclination to perform his promise and release the servants of Amrat Rao.

"When war is concluded, I am decidedly of opinion that all animosity

should be forgotten, and that all prisoners should be released; but property carried to account cannot be restored."-Vol. iii. p. 135.

There is a long, masterly dispatch to Major Malcolm in vol. iii. p. 166, on the retaining in our hands the fortress of Gwalior, which belonged to Scindiah, then a neutral chief, which, whether considered as a classical composition, or an analysis of treaties on which the acquisition of the fort and territory depended, has never been surpassed in ancient or modern times; the concluding paragraph of the part relating to the treaties concludes with this noble apostrophe :

"In respect to the policy of the question, it is fully canvassed in the inclosed letter. I would sacrifice Gwalior, or every frontier in India, ten times over, in order to preserve our credit for scrupulous good faith, and the advantages and honour we gained by the late war and the peace; and we must not fritter them away in arguments drawn from the overstrained principles of the law of nations, which are not understood in this country. What brought me through many difficulties in the war, and the negotiations for peace? The British good faith, and nothing else."

His Highness the Peshwah gives his Grace interminable trouble, yet he is never found either to lose his temper, or to permit just indignation to prevent his excellent judgement from giving the best advice and taking the most efficient means, within his power, to settle that distracted country. In a long letter to Mr. Scott Waring, vol. iii. page 185, after saying, "I shall form such arrangements, as that thieves, who "have taken refuge in the woods, shall be prevented com"mitting further devastations," and boldly affirming, "That "his Highness's ministers and favourites are the patrons and "the sharers of the profits gained by the thieves in their "plunder of those whose necessities obliged them to travel "through the country," he adds, "but I never considered it. a part of my duty to provide for the police of his High"ness's territories," and then continues with this profound and humane policy, so caustically worded:

"One of the resources which I recommended to his Highness's attention was to pardon those of his subjects who had offended him, and to return their houses and property as the first step towards tranquillity; because I conceive, that so long as his Highness detains in the hands of his government the property of a great proportion of his subjects, those subjects must plunder for their subsistence; and I see no means in the hands of his Highness's government to protect those who may be inclined to exert themselves to gain a subsistence by honest means."

Many anecdotes have been narrated of his Grace's secresy: one of them, that he exclaimed, "If I thought my hair knew "what my brain was thinking about, I would shave it off " and wear a wig." In the following extract are the soundest maxims and advice on secresy in public affairs, given to Colonel Wallace :

"I believe that in my public dispatches I have alluded to every point to which I would wish to draw your attention but one, which I will mention to you, that is, the secresy of all your proceedings.

"There is nothing more certain than that, of one hundred affairs, ninetynine might be posted up at the market-cross without injury to the public interests; but the misfortune is, that where the public business is the subject of general conversation, and is not kept secret, as a matter of course, upon every occasion, it is very difficult to keep it secret upon that occasion on which it is necessary. There is an awkwardness in a secret which enables discerning men (of which description there are always plenty in an army) invariably to find it out: and it may be depended upon, that whenever the public business ought to be kept secret, it always suffers when it is exposed to public view.

"For this reason secrecy is always best; and those who have been long trusted with the conduct of public affairs are in the habit of never making known public business that it is not necessary the public should know. The consequence is, that secrecy becomes natural to them, and as much a habit as it is to others to talk of public matters; and they have it in their power to keep things secret or not, as they may think proper.

"I mention this subject to you, because, in fact, I have been the means of throwing the public affairs into your hands, and I am anxious that you should conduct them as you ought. This is a matter which would never occur to you, but it is essentially necessary."

Two long and important dispatches, one on Colonel Monson's retreat, the other to Colonel Murray, containing the results of his experience in Mahrattah warfare, vol. iii. pages 456 and 463, are only omitted for want of room. The extraordinary topographical knowledge displayed in the letter to Colonel Wallace on Colonel Monson, excites surprise and admiration, and some wonder at the sources in such a country which could afford the knowledge: the other, on the method of conducting war against the Mahrattas, is so perfect, that to give a mere extract would be as wicked as splitting a diamond with a thousand facets. Those who desire information on such subjects are strenuously recommended to consult the original. One sentence will be sufficient to

convey to the general reader the clear and comprehensive view taken by his Grace of the subject:

"There are two modes in which the Mahrattas carry on their operations. They operate upon supplies by means of their cavalry; and after they have created a distress in the enemies' camp, which obliges the army to commence a retreat, they press upon it with all their infantry and their powerful artillery. Their opponent, being pressed for provisions, is obliged to hurry his march, and they have no fear of being attacked. They follow him with their cavalry in his marches, and surround and attack him with their infantry when he halts, and he can scarcely escape from them.

"That, therefore, which I consider absolutely necessary in an operation against a Mahratta power, (indeed, in any military operation in India,) is such a quantity of provisions in your camp as will enable you to command your own movements and to be independent of your magazines, at least for the length of time which may be necessary to fulfil the object for which you may be employed."-Vol. iii. p. 463.

If all men, whether in command or in private life, were to defend and uphold the injured in the same definite, unshrinking manner as his Grace did Major Macaulay, less would be said on the want of true friendship among men. The following paragraph is so perfect in style, so high in sentiment, so true in manly and gentlemanly feeling, that the reader feels that the writer of it must be a man who could not do a base thing in zeal for a friend, lest it should burn the golden thread that tied their hearts together, and convert a friendship into a conspiracy; but one who, in the hour of adversity, would, if convinced of his intended rectitude, brave all opinions to comfort and support him :

"I do not recollect whether anything was done respecting Major Macaulay. There is not a doubt but that the mode in which he brought forward his proposition regarding the tobacco was unguarded. But Major Macaulay is an honest and deserving servant of the public; one who, I know, is attached personally to the Governor-General, and to the good principles of government in India, and it is evident that he has felt the censure which he has received. The explanation which he has given of his conduct is satisfactory, and there is nothing against him, excepting that he did not at first sufficiently explain the transaction which he brought under the view of the Governor-General. That being the case, he no longer deserves the censure of the government; and it is certain, that these censures never fail to damp the zeal and cool the attachment of the public servants of the government; and as the attachment of a man such as Macaulay must be of use, I most anxiously recommend that some measure may be adopted to soothe his feelings. In fact, if it be true that Macaulay did not deserve the censure, and received it only because he

made an erroneous or imperfect statement of a transaction in which he had been concerned, which I believe to be the case, to recall or cancel the censure is only a matter of justice.”—Vol. iii. p. 547.

The portion of the Dispatches devoted to the Indian civil and military duties still demand of us a few more quotations, that the character of this great man may be fully understood before we commence the part which relates to the European war. The farewell letter to the Purneah, Dewan (chief minister of finance, &c.) of the Rajah of Mysore, while it concentrates most of the principles of his character, makes known a trait to which words can add no value, but is worthy of being inscribed on his tomb. Let the reader peruse the subjoined letter, and he will learn the fact which is alluded to:

“To Purneah, Dewan of the Rajah of Mysore.

"Fort St. George, 2nd March, 1805. "Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm will have informed you, that affairs having begun to have a more settled appearance in the Deccan, I have obtained permission to go to England, and I shall commence my voyage in a few days.

I part with you with the greatest regret, and I shall ever continue to feel the most lively interest for the honour and prosperity of the Rajah of Mysore over which you preside.

"For six years I have been concerned in the Mysore government, and I have contemplated with the greatest satisfaction its increasing prosperity under your administration.

"Experience has proved the wisdom of the arrangement which was first made of the government of Mysore; and I am convinced, that under no other management would it have been possible for the British government to derive such advantages from the country which you have governed, as I have enjoyed in the various difficulties with which we have contended since your authority was established.

"Every principle of gratitude, therefore, for many acts of personal kindness to myself, and a strong sense of the public benefits which have been derived from your administration, render me anxious for its continuance and for its increasing prosperity; and in every situation in which I may be placed, you may depend upon it, that I shall not fail to bear testimony of my sense of your merits upon every occasion that may offer, and that I shall suffer no opportunity to pass by which I may think favourable for rendering you service.

"Upon the occasion of taking my leave of you, I must take the liberty to recommend to you to persevere in the laudable path which you have hitherto followed. Let the prosperity of the country be your great object; protect the ryots and traders; and allow no man, whether vested with authority or otherwise, to oppress them with impunity; do justice to every man; and attend to the wholesome advice which will be given to you by