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affords an opportunity for their commission. For instance, the
firing of crops and barns, and game offences, form a large item in
the list of crimes committed in agricultural counties, and a compa-
ratively insignificant one in the metropolitan and manufacturing
counties. In any comparison, crimes only must be taken, to the
commission of which there are equal inducements and facilities in
the counties compared. We are aware this is a narrow class, and
that in fact, it is difficult to institute such a comparison at all, be-
twixt a manufacturing and an agricultural county, because of the
greater frequency and intensity of the incentives to crime, in the
former class of counties. Probably, however, the comparison is
as fair, with respect to the more atrocious offences against the
person, as any other, and also with respect to certain classes
of larceny. The following abstract exhibits, in thousandth parts,
the ratio of offences, of the classes named, to every 10,000 per-
sons, in each of the groups of counties.

5 Manufacturing


3 Mining Coun- | 16 Agricultural


3 Metropolitan


11 Mixed Coun


1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. / 1843.





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200 1239

Murder ........ 57 76 44 55 48 26 43 | 49 | 54 23 59 56 83 54
Shooting at with
intent to maim,
etc. .......... 74
Manslaughter .. 171
Foul Offences .. : 30
Rape ....... 137
. Assaults ......
Ditto on Police. 272
Larceny in Dwel-
ling Houses .. 72 90 125 | 46 22 65 63 353 380 396
Ditto by Servnts. 597 833 |

785 55 218

137 456 897 854 1637 1841 1805 352
In all those crimes which are the result of ungovernable pas-
sion, malignant dispositions, or brutal appetites, there is unhap-
pily, a general uniformity shewn by the table; though on the
whole, these offences are most rife in the metropolitan and
mixed counties,—and more especially in the sexual class of
crimes. It will be observed, that under the head 'assaults,'
the manufacturing counties take the first place, and the metro-
politan the last ; and that assaults on the police are most nu-
merous in the agricultural, and semi-agricultural counties. We
are not surprised at the position of the manufacturing counties,
in this branch of social morality. The congregating of men in
large masses, under the eye of intelligent overlookers and em-

ployers, and in contact with the middle and upper classes of our
large towns, has a powerful influence, in softening the manners
of the operative classes, and superinducing habits of order and
deference to authority ; and it is well known that the artizan
and factory population of the towns, what with the necessity of
kindliness and good temper, in the prosecution of work which
demands the co-operation of many hands and wills, and what
with the closer social intercourse,—the union in clubs, and sick
societies, etc., live on terms of good brotherhood, and the inter-
change of mutual kindnesses. It is a vulgar error to impute to
them, as is sometimes done in parliament, rude and boisterous
habits, contempt of authority, and mutual distrust, and aliena-

The class of 'Offences against Property, with Violence,' show,
as might be expected, a considerable preponderance in Office
Breaking,' in the manufacturing districts. The comparative
infrequency of that form of crime in the metropolis, seems to
testify to the excellence of its police. In the other classes, it is
remarkable, that in burglaries, house-breaking, and other rob-
beries,' the agricultural and semi-agricultural counties occupy
a lower position than the manufacturing, as the following table
will show.

5 Manufacturing 3 Mining Counties.

1 16 Agricultural | 3 Metropolitan lu Mixed Counties. Counties.



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1845. 1836. 1843. | 1845. 1836. 1843.

1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845.

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We will only add the details of three other classes of larceny, (two having been already given) as illustrating the intensity of this class of offences in the city population of the nation, where professional and habitual thieves abound, because there they find shelter and concealment, as well as the opportunity to carry on their warfare against society.

5 Manufacturing 2 Mining Counties! 16 Agricultural


3 Metropolitan lu Mixed Counties.


1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. Larceny from

Person ...... 1173 1317 | 1137 236 450 321 684 625 587 | 3725 | 2050 | 2623 699 710 718 Ditto Simple ... 8040 9888 7712 4083 7328 5287 74629421 8418 10-832 11:464 10-834 7638 11.248 9631 Other Offences

against Property ...... 10021633 1135 375 | 886 609 843 1096 | 958 1711 2121 1967 | 919 1462 1135

In all comparisons betwixt county and county, or groups of counties, it is necessary to bear in mind an important principle, developed by Mr. Neison, in the very elaborate and masterly contribution to the Statistical Journal,' the title of which appears at the head of this article. It is this: that the tendency to crime is greatest at the period of life from twenty to twenty-five. The ratio of criminals to population, he gives as under, at the ages specified.

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It is obvious, that wherever there is a preponderance of persons of the ages fifteen to thirty, there, all other things being alike, crime will be most rife. The difference in the number of persons at those ages, comparing the manufacturing with the agricultural population, is considerable. Taking Mr. Neison's data, as to the per centage of persons at these ages in the five manufacturing, and the sixteen agricultural counties, we find that if the latter are brought to par, as to relative numbers at the ages fifteen to thirty, the ratio of crime would be increased from 1 in 654, to 1 in 617, that of the manufacturing districts being, 1 in 625. Mr. Neison also shews that the different ratios of females in a given population, materially affects the ratio of crime, and thus another disturbing element has to be allowed for, before any accurate scale of relative intensity of crime can be established betwixt different counties, or groups of counties. Mr. Neison has grouped the counties of England according to the ratios of persons engaged in trade and in agriculture, and of educational attainment, -respectively; and on page 265 · Sta. tistical Journal,' 1846, he has given the counties in alphabetical order, and exhibited the excess or deficiency of actual crime, as compared with the average of England. We have arranged the counties in the order of precedence, the county of least crime standing as No. 1., the same as in our table, (page 652). The two tables exhibit some striking agreements as to the position of counties in the order of crime,-but there are also several wide discrepancies. We should give the two in juxta-position, but it would require more space than we can afford in explanation; and we are compelled to say, that the comparison and grouping of counties in Mr. Neison's excellent paper, loses much of its value, from the selection of the years 1842-3-4, as the basis of his calculations. The relative ratios of crime were greatly deranged in those years; the ratio of crime in the manufacturing districts being far more affected by the prolonged distress, than that of the agricultural districts. It is only necessary to place in juxtaposition, the respective ratios of crime in those two groups of counties, before, and after the periods selected by Mr. Neison, to perceive that any conclusions as to the relative intensity of crime in each, under ordinary conditions, must be incorrect.

1829 to 1840 to 1843. 1844-6.

1833. 1842. Manufacturing Districts, ratio of crime, I in ........

681 490 515 718 Agricultural ditto, 1 in ...... 780 602 605 704

The fact is, that neither Mr. Neison, nor any other of the contributors to the Statistical Journal,' have given that weight to the effect of variation in the supply and price of food, which is due to it. The free-traders, in the time of the League agi. tation, did indeed draw attention to the fact of the coincidence of bad harvests and increased crime; but it is characteristic of persons accustomed to the exact demonstration of statistical science, to hesitate in accrediting conclusions drawn from general observation, or based on abstract principles of political economy. Yet we cannot but think, that the fact stood out unmistakeably in our entire criminal records, that dear food and increased crime go hand in hand, and are in fact, though precisely in what mode we will not dogmatically saycause and effect. We shall be glad to see Mr. Danson directing his attention to this subject, with the same ability as is shown by him in his contribution to the May number of the Statistical Journal.' Mean time, we may be allowed to jot down a few nemoranda, bearing on the matter in question.

The mere fact that years of dear food and increased crime are coincident, is established by a reference to the criminal tables from 1805 to 1837. We will give illustrations, by a statement of the price of corn, and the total amount of crime, in years of scarcity, contrasted with the preceding and following ycars of plenty.

Price of Wheat

per quarter. 1805 Dear year 4,605

89/9 First period. { 1806 Cheap year 4,346

79/1 1 1807 Cheap year 4,446



Price of Wheat Crime.

per Quarter. 1811 Cheap year 5,337

1812 Dear year 6,576
Second Period

1813 Dear year 7,164

1814 Cheap year 6,390
[ 1816 Cheap year 9,091

Third Period. { 1817 Dear year 13,932 96/11
1818 Cheap year 13,567

86/3 The marriages for the same years attest the pressure on the condition of the mass of the population. They are as under :

Marriages. 1804 Cheap year 171,476.

1805 Dear year 159,172.
First Period.

1806 Cheap year 161,508.
1807 Cheap year 167,846.
1811 Cheap year 172,778.

1812 Dear year 164,132.
Second Period

1813 Dear year 167,720.
1814 Cheap year 185,608.

Third Period.

1816 Cheap year 183,892.
1817 Dear year 176,478.
1818 Cheap year 185,558.

Here, then, we have dear food, coincident with increased crime and diminished marriages. But we must complete the demonstration of coincidence, before we draw any conclusion from the facts. We now give the same particulars, for that eventful period in the history, alike of the working classes and of the Corn Laws, commencing in 1838, and terminating in 1844.

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With a continuance of scarcity and dearness of food, crime rose from 23.094, in 1838, to 31:309, in 1842; whilst the mar.

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