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1844-6, consists entirely in the specific item of simple larcenies,' the number being 7,756 for all England in the former period, and 8,465 in the latter. Now, as the first table shows that the ratios of all offences to the total population at these periods, were respectively, 1 in 654, and 1 in 644, or about one and a half per cent. increase, it is clear that we must look for the source of that increase in class 3, and that, in fact, classes 1 and 6 will show a lower per centage to the total of crimes, and classes 2, 4, and 5, a slight increase in that ratio. We give the proportions each year, from 1836 to 1847.-Class 1 shows a proportion of 9.2 in 1836, and only an average of 8 in 1844-6.

TABLE IV.

Relative Proportions of the Six Classes of Crime, in Centesimal Parts, in the

following Years.

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Class 6 shows an average of 4.8 in the former, against 3.5 in the latter periods, whilst class 3 shows an increase from 77.4, to 79.4.

A more distinct idea of the proportion of the principal classes of crime, will be conveyed by the following table, in which the actual number of each, for four periods, is given.

TABLE V.

Numbers of the Principal Crimes, under Classes 1, 2, and 3, in the undermentioned Years in England.

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Taken either together or separately, the last two tables establish the gratifying fact of an actual diminution of the more serious offences, during the last ten years pro rata to population, and that four fifths of all the crimes belong to the class of 'offences against property, without violence.' The latter fact, whilst it greatly narrows the scope of our public reformatory appliances, is suggestive of the appropriate remedies and preventives.

We may not go minutely into the analysis of the six great classes of crime, in order to show the ratio of their prevalence in particular counties. Our third table, gives the ratios of these in the respective groups of counties. We may point out a few of the more marked and important features of that table.

In the class of offences against the person, the manufacturing and mining counties show an increased, but fluctuating ratio throughout. The metropolitan and agricultural counties, a diminished ratio, with one exception. The collegiate, a largely diminished ratio throughout, and the mixed counties a considerable diminution on the whole, with the exception of 1843. In every instance but one (that one the metropolitan), 1843 exhibits the highest ratio of this class of offences, and the same remark applies to the next class of offences. This class forms the connecting link betwixt the more atrocious, and the merely venial offences. It embraces the burglar, the house-breaker, and the highwayman, and combines in the character of too many of the offenders, dishonesty, brutality, and a reckless disregard of life. The table shows this class to be an increasing one on the whole, and largely in the two first groups of districts. Class 3-'Offences against Property, without Violence,' shows a larger increase than class 2, and a very marked and rapid increase in the ratio, comparing 1834-6 with the two next periods, and 1844-6 with 1847. The solution of this increase will be offered when we come to notice the effects of bad harvests, on the general ratio of crime. The other classes may be dismissed with the remark, that malicious offences are the most rife in the agricultural sections of the kingdom, and are happily least prevalent where the consequences of such crimes would be most disastrous. It is, indeed, a remarkable fact, that crimes of this class are rare in the great seats of manufactures and commerce; partly, we believe, because there is a more intelligent perception of the ultimate consequences of such crimes to themselves, in the bulk of the manufacturing operatives; and even more, because of a higher moral restraint, combined with a kindly feeling, on the whole, betwixt the employers and the employed.

It would compel us to enter into great minuteness of detail, were we to place the several groups of counties in comparison with each other, as to the prevalence of particular crimes in each of the six great divisions or classes of offences. Such an analysis would shew, as might be expected, that some crimes are almost peculiar to particular localities, just because the locality

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affords an opportunity for their commission. For instance, the firing of crops and barns, and game offences, form a large item in the list of crimes committed in agricultural counties, and a comparatively insignificant one in the metropolitan and manufacturing counties. In any comparison, crimes only must be taken, to the commission of which there are equal inducements and facilities in the counties compared. We are aware this is a narrow class, and that in fact, it is difficult to institute such a comparison at all, betwixt a manufacturing and an agricultural county, because of the greater frequency and intensity of the incentives to crime, in the former class of counties. Probably, however, the comparison is as fair, with respect to the more atrocious offences against the person, as any other, and also with respect to certain classes of larceny. The following abstract exhibits, in thousandth parts, the ratio of offences, of the classes named, to every 10,000 persons, in each of the groups of counties.

5 Manufacturing 3 Mining Coun- 16 Agricultural

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3 Metropolitan
Counties.

11 Mixed Cour

ties.

1836. 1843 18

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1836. 1843, 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845.

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In all those crimes which are the result of ungovernable passion, malignant dispositions, or brutal appetites, there is unhappily, a general uniformity shewn by the table; though on the whole, these offences are most rife in the metropolitan and mixed counties, and more especially in the sexual class of crimes. It will be observed, that under the head 'assaults,' the manufacturing counties take the first place, and the metropolitan the last; and that assaults on the police are most numerous in the agricultural, and semi-agricultural counties. We are not surprised at the position of the manufacturing counties, in this branch of social morality. The congregating of men in large masses, under the eye of intelligent overlookers and em

ployers, and in contact with the middle and upper classes of our
large towns, has a powerful influence, in softening the manners
of the operative classes, and superinducing habits of order and
deference to authority; and it is well known that the artizan
and factory population of the towns, what with the necessity of
kindliness and good temper, in the prosecution of work which
demands the co-operation of many hands and wills, and what
with the closer social intercourse, the union in clubs, and sick
societies, etc., live on terms of good brotherhood, and the inter-
change of mutual kindnesses. It is a vulgar error to impute to
them, as is sometimes done in parliament, rude and boisterous
habits, contempt of authority, and mutual distrust, and aliena-

tion.

The class of Offences against Property, with Violence,' show, as might be expected, a considerable preponderance in 'Office Breaking,' in the manufacturing districts. The comparative infrequency of that form of crime in the metropolis, seems to testify to the excellence of its police. In the other classes, it is remarkable, that in burglaries, house-breaking, and 'other robberies,' the agricultural and semi-agricultural counties occupy a lower position than the manufacturing, as the following table will show.

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259 473 249 271 472 292 190 408 279
335 350 351 268 485 508 416
70
78 86 140 116
240 303 225 243 341 429

252

Other Robberies 262 437 283 138 227 114 346 342

Larceny

Person

We will only add the details of three other classes of larceny, (two having been already given) as illustrating the intensity of this class of offences in the city population of the nation, where professional and habitual thieves abound, because there they find shelter and concealment, as well as the opportunity to carry on their warfare against society.

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3 Mining Counties.

1836. 1843. 1845. 1836. 1843. 1845.

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