suppose Scotland conquered in like manner by England before she happily became protestant;-suppose repeated rebellions had brought on her repeated confiscations-that all, or nearly all her proprietors had been disinherited, hanged, and banished-that the soil had been parcelled out among a handful of Episcopalians, residing chiefly in England, and represented by corrupt and cruel factors-that English Episcopalians filled all public offices, and invariably treated the natives with rooted distrust and sovereign contempt; suppose that a penal code were enforced against the body of the nation, expressly designed to impoverish and degrade that the making and administering of the laws were solely in the hands of the monopolising and persecuting minority; suppose, again, that this minority had a parliament of their own in Edinburgh, subservient to that in London, and that, for a season, they became so far national and Scottish as to strive to make their parliament independent-that their success involved them in a fomented rebellion-deemed a necessary prelude to a union, which should for ever prevent such tendencies to nationality. Suppose, once more, that this union, thus corruptly brought about, was not a bona fide incorporation of the two kingdoms, that it left the conquerors and the natives still distinguished and hostile, that it left all the national church funds in the hands of the minority, and expressly declared that it made their religion its basis. A shadow of royalty and a Brummagem court remained at Holyrood House, as a focus of faction, intrigues, and jobbing, where the interests of the country were the last things thought of. In the imperial parliament, Scotland became the battlefield of English factions, Whigs making it an insuperable difficulty' to Tories, and Tories ditto to Whigs, -each alike forfeiting in office its pledges in opposition, and all so busy with imperial affairs that they could find time to do nothing for Scotland but appoint commissions of inquiry, and pass coercion bills. Let our readers suppose all this, and ask themselves, What in that case would have been the condition of Scotland? We shall change the single element of Popery, and substitute Presbyterianism. How would the Presbyterian people have acted under such circumstances? They might not have asked for the repeal of the Union; but they would have insisted on justice for Scotland, and would have obtained it.'

The effects of repeal are absurdly caricatured by a large portion of the English press. Its opponents take counsel from their fears rather than from experience. The Irish are an essentially agricultural people, and we should have nothing to fear in such an event from their competition in commerce or manufactures; on the contrary, we should have everything to hope from their increased custom, in the event of their onward march in the course of national improvement. We should be freed from the enormous pressure of pauperism, increasing every year, swelling our poor rates, lowering our wages, demoralizing our people, and reducing our working classes to their own level of hopeless wretchedness. Parliament, released from Irish botheration,' would be able to attend to the business of this island, of the colonies, of

India, all of which are now sadly neglected, owing to the interminable Irish debates. As to Ireland going to war with us, or joining our enemies, we should have nothing to fear on that score. As we should not allow France to invade Holland, we should, for the same reason, forbid her to invade Ireland, who could have no possible motive to do anything but resist such a visitation. Even were she wholly independent of the British crown, which could not be, if repeal can be peacefully negotiated, still it would be her interest to be on the best possible terms with England, to which a great portion of her people are bound by the closest ties; all of which would be strengthened and increased by the intercourse of commerce. And as we derive more advantage from the trade of the United States, than we do from that of all our colonies, -and incomparably more than when they were colonies themselves, it may be presumed that self-government would have the same happy effect in Ireland.

Our readers are familiar with a very different picture of the state of things which would result from repeal. But such speculations are idle. Repeal is impracticable, even if desirable. Its advocates have appealed to the sword, and by the sword their cause has perished. What the friends of Ireland should unite to secure now is, a real union of the two countries, a complete equalization of rights, privileges, and advantages, as well as the removal of practical grievances. Gloomy as the prospects of that country are at the present moment, we do not despair. Those who have read history philosophically, will have no fears for the progress of society. There is important and consolatory truth in the reflection of M. Guizot :

In all great events, how many unhappy and unknown efforts occur before the one which succeeds! In all things, to accomplish its designs, Providence lavishly expends courage, virtues, sacrifices, in a word, man himself. It is only after an unknown number of unrecorded labours, after a host of noble hearts have succumbed in discouragement, convinced that their cause is lost, it is only then that the cause triumphs. The enfranchisement of the Commons in the eleventh century was the fruit of a veritable insurrection, and a veritable war, a war declared by the population of the towns against their lords. The first fact which is always met with in such histories is the rising of the burgesses, who arm themselves with the first thing which comes to hand.'

We may be sure that those insurgent burgesses to whom, under God, we owe our liberties, were denounced by their lords and the minions and scribes who ministered to their ambition, as rebels, traitors, felons, villains, madmen, and idiots. And did not our press abuse the Americans, and pour upon Franklin

and the other 'glorious rebels,' the same torrents of contempt and scorn with which it treats the Irish? Liberal journals should not lend themselves to such base acts of tyranny. On the side of the oppressor is power, but on the side of the oppressed is God and his righteous Providence. We should not think that Ireland was created for the use and benefit of England, as the moon was made for the benefit of the earth. No nation has a right to hinder another nation in the pursuit of happiness. We have been lamenting our failures for fifty years. Let us now try another system; let us establish perfect religious equality, by abolishing the establishment-let us concede a large portion of self-government. We have great faith in the good sense, industry, business talents, and energy of the protestant portion of the population. These qualities, together with their property, will always secure to them a large share of the ruling power; of which, the temporary clamours of agitation, or the ambition of priests, can never deprive them. Henceforth, in every land, intelligence, civilization, and commerce will overbear and subdue bigotry and priestcraft, while protestantism asks only to be freed from its secular weights and its besetting worldliness, to make the conquest of the human mind. Nor do we despair of the Roman Catholic population. We have faith in man, even in Ireland. It is not the Celtic race which, in peaceful and patient wretchedness, vegetates and rots in Connaught, that has rebelled. It is the mixed race along the eastern side of the island, where English settlements were repeatedly made, and English blood predominates; and, we may add, that this is the race, not the old native, that has been always given to insurrection. On this subject the English press grievously errs. The secret of hostility to England is not to be found in Celtic blood. It is the result of centuries of bad government. Shall this be perpetuated under worse forms than ever? The latest accounts describe the people of the disturbed districts as animated by the malignant spirit of an overwhelming rebelliousness, which nothing but the presence of an irresistible military force can repress. And the leading journal of Europe,' in this year of grace, 1848, arrives at the conclusion, that Ireland must be kept at all hazards, that we are its masters, ordained by an eternal law; and we cannot abdicate our dominion without a serious and merited degradation.' The natural corollary from this proposition, is thus announced by the same self-declared organ of English opinion, ' Irishmen are best governed by martial

law.'

In the name of humanity, we say, God forbid that the people of England should adopt so monstrous a doctrine! Indeed the

success of the State trials at Clonmel has removed all apprehension of this. All the prisoners hitherto arraigned for high treason have been found guilty. Not only O'Brien, but M'Manus, O'Donoghue, and Meagher, have forfeited their lives, and lie at the mercy of the Crown. In Ireland, the demand for that mercy is urgent and unanimous. All parties deprecate what Mr. Hamilton, the member for the Dublin University, has called a horrifying exhibition of sanguinary seve rity.' We believe there are few this side of the Channel who dissent from his view of the subject; and a general and confident expectation prevails that government will adopt it.

:

We must not close without briefly adverting to the new experiment about to be tried in the government of Ireland. The signs of the times significantly point to the endowment of the Roman Catholic priesthood by the State, as the Whig panacea for existing evils and it would, therefore, be idle to affect incredulity on the point, and mere false delicacy to abstain from the expression of our opinion, because the measure has not yet been formally submitted to parliament. Future events cast their shadows before them, and we must be amongst the blindest of mortals, if we do not see it in the present case. The question of time may be unsettled, the precise form of the measure may not yet be determined, but the thing itself, we doubt not, is substantially resolved on, so soon as time and circumstances permit. Our political leaders have, for some time past, been coming to an agreement on this point. Tories, Whigs, and Radicals, have avowed their adhesion, and rumours are afloat of the conversion of other men, from whom better things were expected. We are not surprised at this, and are far from being discouraged by it. It marks an advanced stage in the great ecclesiastical controversy of the day, and, in our sober judgment, is full of promise. So long as there was a possibility of success, our aristocratic classes defended the monopoly of the Protestant church in Ireland. It was nothing to them that her temples were avoided, that no fire burned on her altars, that in many parishes she possessed no worshipper, and existed only to fleece a half starved people. They appealed to the law of the stronger, and canted about the duty of maintaining truth, and of opposing the man of sin.' The love of things secular was veiled under a religious garb. They probably deceived themselves, and succeeded, in too many cases in deceivingothers. The time, however, for such things is now past. Men have learned to call vices by their right name, and can no longer be persuaded that the lust of power, and a love of the loaves and fishes,' are identical with a self-denying and religious zeal. Our church advocates in the legislature are,

therefore, beginning to see that their old tactics will not suffice to meet the requirements of the day; that they must modify their policy; must abandon state patronage altogether, or be content to share it with their papal opponents. They love Protestantism somewhat, but they love State pay more, and are, consequently, brought to the degraded position of being willing to share it with the Catholic priesthood. Their past professions are forgotten, their vows are scattered to the wind, and they now wait at the Treasury door, to heed the bidding of their master. The aristocratic classes have too large an interest in the State-church to consent willingly to its overthrow. So long as its revenues could be restricted to the professors of their hereditary faith, such restriction was vehemently enforced, as the only course which consistency and truthfulness permitted. But now that this can be done no longer, they are willing to admit others to share the spoil, so they may but retain a large portion for themselves.

Many liberal senators aid their scheme though with somewhat different views. They have long protested against the monopoly of the Irish Protestants, and deem it, therefore, a step in advance, that this monopoly should be relinquished, by other religionists being allowed to participate in the patronage of the State. Now there is much plausibility in this. It wears an aspect of impartiality and fair dealing, and if it be once admitted that the support of religious instruction and ordinances is within the province of Government, we know not how it can be successfully opposed. The men of whom we speak care little for religion as such. Their indifference is proclaimed in the infinite diversities of religious creeds to which they would extend the favour of the State. They view religion simply as an element of social order, regardless alike of its spiritual nature and everlasting issues. We protest, however, against the assumption on which they reason, and maintain that there is another and more excellent way, by which the grievous oppression of the English Church in Ireland may be rectified, without violating the spirit, or doing wrong to the interests of Christianity. Let that church be abolished-as sooner or later it must be-due regard being had to the life interest of all incumbents, and let religion be left free to pursue her own benign and heavenly mission. Nothing short of this will meet the requirements of the case. Other things may be tried, but they will miserably fail. Various expedients will be resorted to by a short-sighted and selfish policy, until, at length, the law of necessity will compel the legislature to disengage itself from an alliance into which it ought never to have entered, and which cannot be continued without constant perplexity and disaster.