rapidly increases population; they knew that agitation is the constant result of national distress; and that the sparks of sedition fall innocuous, unless the mass of society is rendered combustible. But what the Whigs undertook to do, and what they put the Tories out for not doing, was to remove the causes of this well-known state of things, and to change our rule in Ire land from a government of force to a government of opinion. In this they have ignominiously failed, a fact which they have not the grace to repent of, or the courage to confess. They have not the capacity, or spirit, to remove the malignant elements that fever and madden Irish society, but they can give orders to chain and scourge the patient. Rather than take a feather from the cap of aristocracy, or a single wicked prerogative from the Irish landlords, or a pound from the surplus revenues of the establishment; rather than faithfully and earnestly press righteous and remedial laws through parliament, they pass coercion bills, suspend the constitution, and lavish millions of British money in the suppression of rebellion, which, after all, is but filling up the crater of a volcano with stones. The deep-lying fiery elements will again explode, and our repressive measures will but increase their destructive power. The rebels feel that we have taken them at a disadvantage, that we have played against them with loaded dice. Their singularly rash and incompetent leaders, so far from waiting for England's extremity,' gave her the best possible opportunity for crushing them. They published all their plans on the house-tops. They had no military experience, no sufficient or ganization, no commissariat. Effective laws were rapidly passed to meet the emergency that for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, going through the Commons in a single day. These laws were promptly enforced by a splendid army and mighty navy, under the guidance of renowned commanders, acting on a country already garrisoned and fortified at every point, with a localised constabulary force of ten thousand picked men, intimately acquainted with the country, and a large Protestant population, willing enough to engage in civil war. The bulk of the disaffected saw that, under these circumstances, the game of insurrection would be too desperate. A few peasants in the south yielded to the passionate entreaties of the imprisoned editors, to rise and strike. They did so under bad guid ance, and met with a shameful discomfiture. But has all this made the masses less rebellious in heart? We fear not. The priests have interposed to save them from slaughter; and the only argument which even they dared use was, that there was then no chance of success. Had the lucky accidents been on the other side, and had the time been a month or two later, or

had the English army occupation elsewhere,-had the priests risen en masse as well as their flocks, the issue might have been very different.

However, some of the leaders have escaped to foreign countries; but others, with a great number of their infatuated followers, have fallen into the hands of justice. During the past month, a special commission has been sitting at Clonmel, presided over by the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, Blackburne, the Lord Chief Justice Doherty, and Mr. Justice Moore. Mr. W. Smith O'Brien was the first person tried. He was charged with high treason. His trial, which lasted ten days, excited the deepest interest. The attorney-general's speech contained a moderate statement of the facts of the conspiracy and attempted rebellion. The witnesses were principally policemen, and an approver, named Dobbin, a Protestant, from the North of Ireland, who swore that he attended the meetings of the Irish League, for the purpose of giving information to government. Some of the most important witnesses summoned by the Crown, positively refused to give any testimony; one declared that he would not do so, if his heart were to be pierced by a thousand bayonets Some were, perhaps, intimidated; others were restrained by sympathy with the prisoner and his cause. Consequently, the evidence was not as full and conclusive as might have been expected. But of the main facts, there could be no doubt. Mr. Whiteside, as leading counsel for the prisoner, did all that legal skill and brilliant eloquence could effect, to break down the case of the Crown; but in vain. The defence set up was, that Mr. O'Brien's appearance in arms against the queen's forces, was designed to prevent his arrest. If this were the exclusive object, his crime would not have been high treason, and he must have been acquitted. But the general object of effecting a national revolution, was too clearly proved. Mr. Whiteside's speech lasted two days. It was one of great power; and at its conclusion, not only the prisoner, but many others long accustomed to trying scenes in courts of justice, shed tears. The charge of the Lord Chief Justice, was able, luminous, and impartial; in this respect, very different from that of his predecessor, in the case of O'Connell. It commenced on Friday, the 6th; and was not concluded till the afternoon of Saturday. On that day it was interrupted by a singular episode. A person named Dalton, a student of Trinity College, went to the office of 'The Freeman's Journal' with a letter, giving some important information regarding the informer Dobbin. One of the editors, Mr. Wilson Gray, engaged a special train that night, and had him as a witness in the court next day, before the judge had con

cluded his charge. The court consented to adjourn for a short time, the attorney-general was consulted; he ordered the witness, Dobbin, to be called, and Mr. Whiteside examined him regarding Dalton, of whom he solemnly swore he knew nothing whatever. The evidence of the latter, however, is admitted by The Times' to have utterly destroyed the approver's testimony. If so, he is a double-dyed perjurer; and, as such, should be prosecuted by government. If there must be spies and informers, Powells and Dobbins, they should be made to understand that they swear falsehood at their peril. The honour of the government, as well as the safety of the people, requires this. No man believes that loyalty or patriotism induces these wretches to take up their infamous trade. They are lured by the large rewards held out to informers in political cases and in troubled times. Their temptations to manufacture conspiracies, to concoct treason, and commit perjury, would be irresistible, but for the dread of public indignation. This, however, is not enough. Manifest perjury should not be suffered to escape with impunity.

Unfortunately for the prisoner, the case against him did not depend on Dobbin's testimony. The jury found him guilty on all the counts, except that which charged him with compassing the death of the queen, which was withdrawn by the crown. The jury, it is true, was composed exclusively of Protestants and Conservatives. One hundred Roman catholics, of substance and respectability, some of whom had served with credit on the last commission, were omitted from the present panel by the sub-sheriff, who is left to his own discretion in a matter so important to the pure administration of justice, and the peace of the country. Hence it so happened, that in a country where the bulk of the population are Roman catholics, and where the usual proportion of that creed, on the panel, is one-fourth, or one-third, the proportion, in the present instance was only oneseventeenth. As a matter of fact, not a single catholic was put to the book; and so the attorney-general had not the pain of saying to his brother catholic, stand by.' This exclusion is very significant; for it intimates, that in the opinion of that competent judge, catholicism and disaffection are co-extensive; and that the honour of the crown would not be safe with any jury not exclusively protestant.

Smith O'Brien's jury, we believe, were honest and conscien tious. They brought in their verdict with reluctance and deep emotion. The fatal word, 'guilty,' thrilled every part of the crowded court, and was followed by an interval of profound silence. The prisoner seemed the only person unmoved. He maintained calm self-possession and dignified firmness. From

the moment of his arrest, he has been an object of almost universal sympathy. The interest in his case is much deeper than in that of O'Connell. The jury strongly recommended him to the merciful consideration of the government, and prayed, for many reasons, that his life should be spared.

This prayer, we should hope, was not needed either by Lord Clarendon or Lord John Russell. Justice may warrant the execution of the convict, but policy and humanity alike forbid it. It would look like the vindictiveness of party. Justice will be satisfied, and crime will be much more effectually prevented by transportation, than by capital punishment.

On Monday, the 9th of October, the sentence of death was pronounced the death of a traitor -to the effect that the prisoner should be drawn on a hurdle to the place of execution, and hanged till he was dead, that his head should be cut off, and his body divided into quarters, to be disposed of at the Queen's pleasure!

Mr. O'Brien having been asked why this sentence should not be pronounced against him,-standing erect and unmoved, spoke in a loud and firm voice as follows:-'My Lords, it is not my intention to enter into any vindication of my conduct, however much I might have desired to avail myself of this opportunity of doing so. I am perfectly satisfied with the consciousness that I have performed my duty to my country,that I have done that which it was, in my opinion, the duty of every Irishman to have done. And I am now prepared to abide the consequences of my having performed my duty to my native land. Proceed with your sentence.'

The awful sentence perceptibly agitated every one present, but the prisoner,-who looked about upon the assembly cheerfully, and smiled in recognizing his friends.

Lord Clarendon may write familiar letters to the bishops, calling them 'My dear Lord,' and 'Your Grace,' he may invite them to dinner, he may surrender to them the principle of religious liberty in the Queen's colleges, he may assure them that everything possible shall be done in these national institutions to promote the interests of the Catholic religion;' he may vow that he 'entertains a profound veneration for the character of the pope, and implicitly relies upon his upright judg. ment;'* the people think they see through all this, and that it is only meant to blind the eyes of their clergy, and manœuvre them out of their rights.

It is in vain to think of pacifying Ireland by fraternizing with popery. Those who recommend that policy are traitors to a higher throne than that of Victoria. Lord Ellenborough's

* See his Excellency's 'private' Letter to Archbishop Murray.

panacea is one of the most miserable things of the kind that ever proceeded from an effete brain. Instead of repudiating, he would have the nation recognize the Roman Catholic religion. He would give the priests glebe-houses and lands at the public cost, and leave everything else just as it is.' Make the clergy easy rent-free farmers, and then Ireland will flourish. But this would apply only to the parish priests, leaving the curates and friars in all their mischievous power and activity. Where would, then, be Lord Stanley's quid pro quo? All this, however, is moderate for the hero of Somnauth. We should not have been surprised, if he had recommended the Queen to go on a pilgrimage to Longhdearg, or Croagh Patrick, and to pay a visit to St. Jarlath's!

There is certainly no want of disposition on the part of the British people to do justice to Ireland, if they knew how. They are generally puzzled to know what the Irish want; why they are everlastingly grumbling, begging, and rebelling? We are aware that the conquering and ruling nation are not in the best position to judge impartially of the claims of those over whom they bear sway, and whose destinies depend on the will of their government. And, on the other hand, the subjugated nation may colour its case too highly, and blame government for much evil which properly belongs to itself. We consider that British writers generally treat the question of repeal with too much ridicule and scorn, seeing that nearly all foreigners sympathise with those who demand an Irish parliament; and, at any rate, the question should be fairly and calmly discussed. It is true that discussion has been invited in the House of Commons, but pretty much in the same spirit in which heretics were invited to argue in the Inquisition-that is, amidst the groans and 'hootings' of the audience, and under the solemn threat of the prime minister, that, right or wrong, he would deluge Ireland with the blood of civil war, rather than consent to repeal. But, whatever imbecile and obstinate statesmen may do or say, and however the daily press may purposely mystify public questions, and inflame national animosities, the people of England and Scotland are not deaf to the voice of reason and justice. Having ascertained the right, we believe they would do it, even at a great sacrifice. We may ask, then, can Ireland make out anything like a case against the British government? An Irishman,' writing in a recent number of the Scottish Press,' puts the case briefly thus:

In Ireland you must add to popery, conquest, and to conquest, confiscation, and to confiscation, persecution, and to persecution, foreign government. All those hostile powers reigned and worked together, with little in the people to counteract their deadly influence. We will