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---and this is verily the case,-it is needless to say which is best. Each lecture bears distinctly the marks of its authorship, and different readers will judge of these, according to their several predilections. Neither shall we devote equal attention to all. Were we to do so, our notice would of necessity be so meagre, as to disappoint our readers, and we should fail to accomplish our own purpose. We say, therefore, in general, that there is not a page in the volume which is not creditable to its author, and will not amply repay for an attentive and repeated perusal; while the whole presents a view of the great controversy of the day, which must command the respect of intelligent opponents, and is admirably, suited to confirm the convictions, enlarge the views, and animate the labours of the friends of voluntary education.

Mr. Baines's lecture, which is the first of the series, constitutes an admirable summary of the history of popular education in England. Its details are full, yet precise, embracing every aspect of the great question, and by an array of facts, with which few were competent to deal, leading on irresistibly to the conclusion in which he would have his readers rest. Like all men who have thoroughly mastered their subject, and are fully convinced of the soundness of their views, Mr. Baines shrinks from no test by which it may be fairly tried, and is specially free from the charge of taking a restricted or partial view of it. He deals with the question on the broadest scale; and appeals in support of his views, 'to the free press, the free literature, the free science, and the free education of England, in opposition to countries where all these things are taken under the care of government.' He has thus generously furnished his opponents with every opportunity they could desire of assailing his position, and in his ease and obvious sense of security, has displayed absolute reliance on the strength of his own defence. We have rarely met with such an instance of calm, enlightened, and triumphant confidence. There is nothing dictatorial in it. It does not speak in great swelling words, nor show itself in a contemptuous disregard of the views of others. It is the complacent repose of a spirit which has surveyed the whole field of vision, minutely examined its various objects, and deeply pondered over the general laws to which they give birth.

The disposition evinced by state-educationists to shrink from the test of experience, is most ominous for their cause. So long as the past could be referred to without fear of exposure, it was the arsenal whence their weapons were chiefly drawn. But now that the diligence of Mr. Baines has rendered the means of refutation accessible to all, these gentlemen adopt a different

style, and most suspiciously decry what they were formerly accustomed to place in the fore ground of their argument:

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'In illustrating,' says Mr. Baines, the progress and efficiency of Voluntary education in England,' I must ask leave to resort to two modes of proof, namely, the historical and the statistical. You may think it strange that I should apologise for using what may seem almost the only kinds of proof in a question of this nature; but in nearly every work or speech which I have read on the side of State Education, I find a tacit discountenance of all appeal to by-gone years. There is extensive research among the Blue Books issued by Government Commissioners, but an almost total abstinence from a comparison of our present with our former educational state. I doubt whether, in all the speeches of Ministers and their supporters last session, there was a single reference to the experience of the last fifty years, for the sake of ascertaining the progress of popular education, and determining the worth of the principle on which it had been conducted. Still less did they venture, by more remote historical inquiry, to pry into the hole of the pit from which we were digged.' And as to statistics, it is the fashion to scout them, not only as troublesome, but actually as proving nothing! Last year I was sneered at by the Times,' as bristling with statistics.' And a few weeks since, in reference to an examination of the educational statistics of Wales, the Morning Chronicle' said—

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'Mr. Baines has reproduced his old argument for the sufficiency of the Voluntary Principle, namely, the number of children at school in proportion to the whole population. We do not think it at all necessary to go into the details of this argument!'

On the same occasion the Daily News' said

'We repeat for the fiftieth time, statistics are next to worthless in this inquiry!'

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Now, if the number of children at school in proportion to the whole population' be not a point of the highest importance in this question, and if statistics are next to worthless,' we might as well discard the science of numbers as a troublesome invention, tempting men to ridiculous exactness and inconvenient demonstration. I had thought that figures were admitted to be useful, as representing numbered, measured, and ascertained facts; but it seems the indefinite is preferred to the definite; and certainly it is more convenient to the rhetorician, who has to cover over an exposed fallacy.'-p. 9.

After the attention given in former articles to the statistical bearings of the question, we need not at present pursue this branch of the subject. Mr. Baines has placed it on an immoveable position. Its general result is clear and unquestionable, whatever exceptions à captious opponent may take to details. We are entitled to regard it as admitted ground, and to proceed, in consequence, to other and more advanced points of the general question. We doubt, indeed, whether a candid person can be found, not already committed to the controversy, who will venture to express any misgiving on this point, and the

efforts of others are but as the plunges of a drowning man. We dismiss, therefore, the question of statistics, with the following tabular statement :

DAY-SCHOLARS AND POPULATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES, IN 1803, 1818, 1833, AND 1846.

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It is admitted on every hand, that voluntary effort has not yet accomplished all that is desirable. No man alleges this, much less Mr. Baines. He admits frankly, and on every befitting occasion, that much remains to be done, yet triumphantly contends that the same agency which has wrought so far, is competent to what remains, and is now in a more promising condition than at any prior stage. We perfectly agree with his conclusion, that there never was a more vulgar piece of narrow statesmanship, than that of Lord John Russell, in adopting the project of Mr. Kay Shuttleworth.'

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Though somewhat beside our immediate object, we cannot resist the temptation of transferring to our pages the following statement, compiled from the official publications of 1847, of what the voluntary principle has done in another department. It is an invaluable record, which may well shame the incredulity with which some nonconformists have ventured to refer to its operations.

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Beside the above, there are many preaching-places. For exampleThe Primitive Methodists, in their Annual Report, say that the 1,421 chapels mentioned above are Connexional Chapels,' in addition to which they have 3,340 Rented Chapels.' The Wesleyan Association also mention 215 Preaching-places, rooms, etc.' The Wesleyans, Independents, Baptists, Quakers, and perhaps all the other bodies, have also preaching-rooms and stations, in addition to the chapels enumerated.— P. 44.

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Mr. Wells's lecture On the Education of the Working People,' is a generous and noble-minded production, which we could read again and again, with ever growing pleasure. We have always thought highly both of the intellect and of the heart of the author; but in frankness we admit that he has here exceeded our expectations. His whole soul has been thrown into his theme, and the manner in which he has treated it bespeaks a lofty range of sympathies, great force of intellect, a profound conviction of the momentous bearings of his views, and a singleness of purpose worthy of a Christian patriot. There is a healthy tone throughout his lecture, which specially delights He not only knows but relies on the truth. His faith is simple and confiding. It is founded on knowledge, and calculates with certainty on triumph. Referring to the conduct of his own religious body, Mr. Wells remarks, and we are glad to enrich our pages with his testimony,

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'The belief of many Independents is, that from the hour they received Government money, they would be a changed people-their tone lowered their spirit altered-their consistency sacrificed-and their honour tarnished. They know not how to conceive of their deputations waiting at the Treasury-how honoured men, whose names must not be mentioned, could there mingle with the delegates of other nameless bodies in the antechamber of the Committee of Privy Council. How they would be received by the dispensers of Parliamentary funds, we can

easily imagine; how welcomed with bows and smiles; how they would be complimented on their enlarged views and new liberality of sentiment; and how they would feel, we may be sure-that their birthright was sold, their locks shorn, and they like other men. Therefore some Independents think the question is, not How can we obtain Government money? but, How can we avoid it? If there must be any ingenious interpretation of our principles for any purpose, let it be to determine how we can maintain our liberty, not how can we receive the grant? So that, supposing such Independents to have no settled judgment, whether the State can or cannot rightfully and usefully interpose in the work of general education; whether some other classes of the community could or could not, consistently and advantageously, receive State co-operation, money, and control in their schools, they would still say, Independents must be independent; which they will be no longer, and no further, than while they owe no man anything.' This may be an arduous, but it is an honourable, position: to be Dissenters in education, as well as Dissenters in religion; to be misunderstood and repudiated on all sides; to be shut out and kept down, without hope of emerging into national equality and advancement, is no light matter; but a clear, ringing testimony to truth and liberty is worth it all.'-p. 65.

Of Dr. Hamilton's, Mr. Miall's, and Mr. Ainslie's lectures, we will merely say, that did our space permit, each would furnish abundant materials for extended comment. They are worthy no mean praise of their respective authors, and should be diligently studied by those who wish to master the whole question. We regret that we cannot notice them at length, for a reason which will immediately appear. The same reason operates in the case of Mr. Reed's lecture, which we commend most earnestly to the serious consideration of our readers. It is full of sound, practical sense, displays an intimate knowledge of the working of the school system, and is admirably adapted to improve our existing educational machinery. We rank the value of this lecture very high, and trust that the suggestions it contains will receive from the friends of voluntary education all the attention they merit.

We have been thus brief in our notice of these lectures, in order that ampler space may be given to that of Mr. Richard, on 'The Progress and Efficiency of Voluntary Education, as exemplified in Wales.' Various considerations lead us to give special prominence to this lecture, amongst which it is sufficient now to remark, the want of information amongst English readers on this branch of the educational question, and the unblushing arts by which it has been sought to draw from the Principality an argument in favour of the interference of the State. We had previously been compelled to regard the Reports of the Government Commissioners as unworthy of confidence. The accumulating evidence of many witnesses had

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