this exception, or otherwise, according to the temper of their own minds; if nature has so constituted them that they can experience contentment, altogether independently of freedom, from the mere enjoyment procured by wealth, and ease, and personal comfort, then they will probably decide that the Austrian government of Tuscany is all that a government should be. On the other hand, if they include in the idea of happiness the exercise of a manly independence, the power to think and to speak freely, in short, complete civil and religious liberty, they will reject with scorn the pretensions of the Austrian government, and insist that, politically speaking, its sway is as much to be deprecated as that of the most grinding despotism south of the Alps.

But at whatever conclusion men arrive on this point, it will generally be admitted that everywhere else in Italy, the influence of Austria has been most pernicious. Indeed, it may be at once taken for granted, that the whole of Italy would have been long ago emancipated, but for the Austrian bayonet. She has been confessedly the evil destiny of the whole country. When the people of Naples rose and proclaimed a constitution, it was an Austrian army that restored the sceptre to despotism; by Austria, Venice, and Lombardy, and Modena, and Parma, and Placenza, and indeed the whole of the north of Italy has been enslaved. And if we turn to the states of the church, do they form an exception to the general rule? On the contrary, nothing is more certain than that the popes would long ere now have been compelled to concede some sort of free institutions to their subjects, but for the withering influence of the German despotism beyond the Alps.

In the course of last year, when Pius IX. had made some progress in his system of reform, Austria gave a signal proof of the lengths to which her odious policy will carry her, when her object is to repress the spirit of freedom. We refer for an illustration of her Jesuitism to the narrative of a recent traveller,* who would appear to have investigated the subject on the spot, and to have convinced himself that the suspicions cast upon the cabinet of Vienna were not unfounded. There will, of course, be those who, discovering in the account the necessary vagueness of a contemporary testimony, since many of the sources of knowledge must long remain concealed, will direct a contemptuous scepticism to the evidence brought forward, and, perhaps, persist in regarding the conspiracy itself as a convenient fiction. We shall not envy them their incre

dulity, which we feel assured the public will not share. We, in this country, remember but too well the treachery practised towards the Bandieras, the infamies perpetrated in the dungeons of Spielberg, the persevering cruelties by which Venice has been degraded and kept in subjection, the oppression, secret assassinations, fabricated conspiracies, with all the other odious contrivances of tyranny, by which every spark of national spirit was sought to be crushed out of the Milanesewe remember these things too well, we repeat, to experience the slightest inclination to call in question the facts of that frightful narrative.

We should have been glad, had our space permitted, to place before our readers in extenso the manifesto of the provisional government of Milan, in which the charges of Italy against the Austrians are drawn up with a temperateness and forbearance, little to be expected from its authors at such a moment. After arguing the right of the Milanese to throw off the yoke of Austrian tyranny, and explaining their views in thus vindicating their conduct in the face of Europe, the manifesto recapitulates the grievances endured under the Austrian sway, bringing a formidable array of accusations against the court of Austria, and concludes with an earnest appeal for the support and countenance of the rest of Europe.

Our readers will now, perhaps, be prepared to enter upon a discussion of the terms upon which Great Britain and France ought to insist on their Italian mediation; or, in other words, will be prepared to think with us, that nothing short of the entire evacuation of Italy should be consented to. This we say in the interest of peace and humanity. There are those we know, who will contend that we may safely make in behalf of Italy some compromise with Austria, permitting her to retain the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, upon the easy terms of conceding to it a pretended free constitution. But without pausing now to discuss Austrian notions of freedom, we may safely adopt as the basis of the whole dispute the feelings of Italy on the subject. We argue then, that let Austria concede what institutions she may, and let Great Britain, or France, together with the whole of Europe, if you please, be guarantee for the performance of her engagements on the part of Austria, Italy will never be satisfied. She numbers twentyfour millions of inhabitants; is rich, enlightened, and industrious, and, therefore, with justice believes herself, fully equal to the task of self-government. Why should she, therefore, be made to submit to the sway of Austria? By the right of

the sword, you will say. Be it so then, and let the right of the dagger be opposed to that of the sword. Let insurrection and conspiracy go on, and see whether Austria will long consent to retain her possessions beyond the Alps, at such a price.

Besides, should England be prepared to abandon Italy to the Austrians, it is not yet certain that the French republic will be of the same mind; and if it should take a different view of the case, then farewell at once to the peace of Europe. The legions of France will pour over the Alps, and the Austrians, after a few ineffectual struggles, will disperse like mist before them, and the republican banner will triumphantly flap in the breeze, from the Alps to the extremity of Sicily. Let not the advocates of peace deceive themselves! If the sword of the French republic be once drawn in the Italian quarrel, it will not leave a single throne, royal or papal, standing in Italy, but will level the institutions of the whole Peninsula to the democratic standard, and consign the pope and the papacy to everlasting obscurity and oblivion.

From all his antecedents, we should say that Lord Palmerston would be favourable to the emancipation of Italy. He has no sympathies with despotism. As an old ally, he may respect Austria, but, for that very reason, he will desire to see her retire beyond the Alps, from a scene where she has never gained a foot of territory without dishonour. He must well know, if any one does, that, to permit the Austrians, under any excuse, to obtain a footing in Italy, would be voluntarily to leave open a furnace of insurrection in the heart of Europe; that is, supposing the French to remain neuter, spell-bound by the old incantations of diplomacy. There is, and can be no expectation now, that the populations of Christendom will retrograde, and content themselves with the governments against which they are now in arms. The contrary is the natural inference. Who, therefore, can hope that the people of Italy, after awaking from the sleep of ages, to draw their sword and shed their blood in the sacred cause of liberty, will again bow the knee before the imperial edict of Vienna, and quietly receive laws from a race they detest? If at this early stage of the European struggle, they have evinced a certain amount of preference for democracy, is it to be believed that they will recede, that they will re-instate in their breasts reverence for imperial thrones and sceptres, and when they are on the threshhold of emerging from spiritual idolatry, will take back into their hearts idolatry of mere flesh and blood? They have as

suredly studied the history of the human race to very little purpose, who can seriously look for the occurrence of such phe

nomena.

Englishmen are apt to base their judgment on facts, and in the present case, we invite them to adhere to their traditional practice. The facts most prominent in considering the condition of Italy are these. First, that the Italians desire to develope the resources of their country, to apply themselves to the processes of industry, and to obtain their due share in the commerce of the world, by substituting the system of free trade for that of monopoly. They likewise desire to facilitate internal communication, by means of railways, and to allow no impediment to exist to the free communication of thought, by means of the press or otherwise. Now it must be obvious to all sensible men, that such a degree of freedom is altogether incompatible with the domination of Austria and Italy. For the press, if it be perfectly unshackled, will be constantly keeping before the minds of the Italian people the absurd anomaly of a large portion of them being governed by a number of German functionaries, from beyond the Alps; it will overwhelm those heavy foreigners with ridicule; it will point them out as objects of public hatred; it will fasten upon all their little weaknesses, and convert them into crimes; and it will dwell on these, and on everything else that may serve to kindle insurrection, and thus keep up a perpetual conflict, till what ought to be effected now by the intermediation of Great Britain and France, is accomplished by the national sword.

It is consequently to be presumed that, taking all these things into consideration, the French and English mediation will insist on the evacuation of Italy. We are aware that several able journalists, to whom all the facts we have mentioned must be known, nevertheless, in deference to the received notions of diplomacy, are favourable to a compromise. They would wrest Lombardy from the Imperial Crown, but leave to it the Venetian territories, because Austria stands in want of a port on the Adriatic. But regarded from the Italian point of view, the argument is worse than ridiculous. What is it to Italy that Austria wants a port on the Adriatic? Italy is not bound to supply the national deficiencies of Austria, or to make up for any of the advantages of which providence may have deprived her. But falling back on the ultima-ratio of military force, the advocates of Austria may say, that she has the power, and will use it in what she conceives will be for her interest. We reply, that this observation leaves the question exactly where it is, and justifies all the population beyond the

Alps, in adopting every means within their reach against their oppressors. To have arrived at this point, Great Britain and France need not have taken a single step, for it does not dry up the source of contention, but only removes it. Instead of fighting their battles on the banks of the Po, or the Mincio, the Italians would in that case have to fight them on the banks of the Adige. But that would be all. We cannot, therefore, imagine for a moment that, with his immense experience and historical knowledge, Lord Palmerston will employ himself to so little purpose, as merely to shift the cards of the Italian question, and leave it still invested with all its original difficulties. A man of consummate routine, like Metternich, who thought the practices of diplomacy more powerful than the eternal laws which regulate both nature and man, might naturally enough have fallen into such an error. But Lord Palmerston is a man of no school. He judges in such cases for himself, and we shall be grievously disappointed, if, with the strenuous sympathy of France to back him, he yield an inch to the unjust pretensions of Austria. His great reputation is at stake, and unless there be in the nature of the question some elements which have not yet been revealed to the public, we cannot see how he can take any other than the straight-forward course, which is alone consistent with his character and historical celebrity.

While we were yet writing, the whole conditions of the question have been suddenly and violently changed. Instead of dictating to the Italians from the imperial palace at Vienna, the Emperor of Austria is now once more a fugitive, not altogether without fear for his own life, which, in the paroxysm of their fury, his subjects would as soon sacrifice as that of any other man. This state of things, however, is not likely to continue long. The people of Vienna are as changeful as they are ferocious, and may at any hour recal the prince whom they have just driven forth with so much indignity. We, therefore, lay no particular stress on the emperor's place of residence or exile; but the troubles of the capital, the multiplied complications of affairs in the German provinces, the hostility of the Hungarians and Kroatians, the disaffection of the Bohemians, and the general confusion likely to result from the hostility of many rival nationalities, will in all human probability facilitate the emancipation of Italy. Radetski's real place is now in Austria, where he is already eclipsed in importance and popularity by the Ban of Kroatia. He should, consequently, lose no time in leading his legions across the Alps, where his mission would seem to be drawing towards a close,