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elading Russian vigilance in the Caucasus, or perishing in undaunted succession in the African deserts, whilst tempting the ferocity of the Bokarian despot, or exploring the Mosquito shores,-may suffice as examples, that the adventurous spirit, distinguishing both people, is no less individually, than collectively or nationally, prominent.'— Vol. i. p. 118.

The differences between the characters of the two nations we shall dismiss more easily; they are not in our opinion so striking or well-defined. The French, our author contends, are more attached to equality, the English to liberty; the French to liberty of speech, the English to liberty of the press; the Frenchman prefers the glory of his country to its prosperity, the Englishman its solid well-being to its reputation; the Frenchman is painfully sensitive to ridicule, the Englishman insensible to it. Wit in England is powerless to explode an abuse, expose an error, or abash a fool; but the laugh of folly will frequently, in France, disarm genius of its power, and divert wisdom from its path. In religion, the tendency of the Anglo-Saxon is to fanaticism, that of the Frenchman to super. stition. Levity is hence apt to characterize religion with the French, and hypocrisy to disfigure it with the Anglo-Saxon. The Englishman piques himself on originality; the Frenchman is kept in trammels by the fear of ridicule. Pride and ostentation are besetting sins of the English, vanity and conceit, of the French; avidity of gain characterizes the Anglo-Saxon, avarice, the Frenchman. The French are generous and humane on the impulse of the moment; the English, from systematic resistance to injustice, once deeply impressed on their minds. Hence the instances of sudden and heroic magnanimity in French history, and the lasting reforms of the English, as in the case of the negro, the chimney-sweep, the drover's cattle, or the huckster's dog; while deaf and blind to more extensive evils, the latter have allowed the imposition of a grinding tax on their Hindoo subjects, permitted millions to be handed over to the cruelties of vanquished princes, and acquiesced in abetting the dominion of oppressive despots over as many more Europeans. We must here cease to pursue the parallel of differences, which is carried on through literature, philosophy, etc., and notice some of the more miscellaneous matter of the work.

Amongst the most amusing portions of it, are those of an anecdotical kind. One or two of these, regarding passports, will remind our readers of what they themselves must have witnessed in French police bureaus.

• The writer recollects seeing a traveller actually sent sixteen miles on foot, in the custody of a corporal's guard, because his eyebrows were not as described in the passport-blue. Chamois hunting on the higher Pyrenees, at the time the Carlist war was still raging bevond the Spanish boundary, he witnessed the arrival of a French and English gentleman, the Marquis of P. and Mr. H., who, although their papers were quite in order, and countersigned by the consul of the queen of Spain in Tou. louse, were understood to be about to penetrate into Catalonia, on a visit to the Carlists. A consultation took place, in consequence, between the gendarmerie and the custom-house officers, as to whether they might venture to detain either of the travellers, in the absence of any informality; and they seemed to have concluded that it was safest to turn their attention towards their own countryman, who was being cross-questioned, searched, and bullied, whilst the Englishman was about to be dismissed forthwith, when the official, to his intense delight, dis. covered the following flaw in the signalement or description of his person, contained in every French passport.

This passport had been obtained in a den in Poland-street, established by the French embassy in London, for the purpose of purveying English travellers with these documents, gratis, and with civility, that is to say, providing the traveller consents to purchase of the underling who takes down his name, a sixpenny pocket-book at the price of half-a-crown.

• Here delivered wholesale, and calculated for wholesale inspection, as these adventurers disembark in shoals on Boulogne or Calais pier, the scribe is sometimes hurriedly inexplicit in the details of his pen and ink portraiture, and strikes off those features on which the owner most prides himself with a simple idem, or ditto. Thus, ‘Thomas Styles, rentier sujet de Sa Majesté Britannique, natif de Londres, Angleterre,' is described as being

Docht-One metre, so many centimeters.
Eyes--Light blue.
Eyebrows-idem ; or ditto.
Etc., etc.-idem.


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our English traveller had been personally sketched in the above anner, and though it was obviously preposterous to expect light ve-brows, hair, and whiskers, even if all the blue blood' of Spain n in his veins, and though obviously a mere piece of neglect on ort of the French authorities who had delivered the passport, yet,

informality was judged sufficient to detain him on suspicion, and nd him under military escort to the nearest residence of a sub-prefect.'


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9. A spinster lady, applying for her passport, and disposed to be facesous, remarked aloud to her companion, that the functionary before them, reminded her of the apothecary in Romeo and Juliet.

• This observation, if apt, was, in this respect, inopportune, that it was perfectly understood by the employé, who not only had studied the English language, but being a zealous partizan of the romantic (as distin

guished from the classic) drama, was deeply read in Shakspeare, and felt in no wise flattered by the comparison the fair stranger had instituted. But the means of retribution was in his hands, in the shape of a pen and a printed form, which, after polite inquiries after the lady's name, age, destination, etc., he proceeded to fill up, until he came to the signalement, or personal description, often considerately left blank in a female's passport. Here, in characters as dark as · Guizot's encre de la petite vertu' could make them, he inscribed his revenge.

• To the horror of the lady who had been so satirical on the outraged employé, she found when the document was handed to her, that he had thus depicted her.- Hair, false ; forehead, low ; eyebrows, dyed; eyes, small, greenish ; nose, flat (nez epaté); and complexion, tanned, (teint barone).

• Her age, which had been set down as she had given it, thirty-five years, was accompanied by the remark looks fifty-three.' And worse than all, this libel, which the victim was bound herself to exhibit throughout France,-like all libels (at least according to the view taken by the British law, of these matters) was heightened in malignity, by the fact that its truth was undeniable.'— Vol. i. pp. 153–6.

The opening chapter of the second volume gives a deeply interesting biographical sketch of Louis Philippe, and enters very fully into the story of his being not a Bourbon at all, but a changeling. This story, which is supported here by very curious substantial evidence, though a matter particularly piquant in his personal history, did not at all affect his claim on the French throne, as that was a matter of national choice, much less can it affect him, now he has lost it. All that must be said here, is this :

*Writers of memoirs and biographies find it, commonly, convenient to pass over the birth of Louis Philippe, without notice of either locality or date, because it is difficult to disprove, that at the time of his birth, his mother was in the Appenines, and thereby hangs a tale.

The memoirs of Maria Stella have been declared libellous, and sup. pressed, but never confuted. Maria Stella appeared at the age of six. teen upon the stage at Florence, where she married Lord Newborough, and after his decease, Baron Steinberg, a Livonian nobleman. It is well known that she claims to be the child of the heiress of Penthievre, (who had previously only given birth to females) by the Duke of Chartres, afterwards Egalité, her husband, who in his ambitious anxiety for a male heir, had prepared a boy to substitute for the child about to be born, in case it should not prove a male.

• This changeling, the son of Chiappini, the executioner, and jailor, the authoress asserts to be Louis Philippe,--herself the daughter of Egalité.

The fact, that there were, at one time, thirteen individuals, each claiming to be the Dauphin, son of Louis xvi, supposed to have perished in the Temple, and that the pretensions of most of them were supported by a strong likeness to the Bourbon family, which probably suggested the imposture, rendered it easy to throw discredit on the story of Maria Stella, and reduced to slight importance her personal resemblance to the family with which she claimed kindred.

The utter dissimilitude of Louis Philippe in feature and in character to every branch and member of the Bourbon family, the failure of his partizans to meet and expose the fallacy of Maria Stella's charge, and the sudden wealth of Chiappini, a common hangman, which enabled him to give Maria Stella an expensive education, and to divide, exclud. ing her, a handsome competence amongst his children, are far more significant features of the case.'

Wherever Louis Philippe may have sprung from, here is that catalogue of political sins which hurled him from his throne:

• Now after seventeen years, what is the picture that France presents ? An increase of taxation almost in the proportion, that, since the war, Great Britain has been decreasing hers,—from thirty-eight million under the restoration, to fifty-four under Louis Philippe; the liberty of publication restricted by ruinous securities pre-exacted, and heavy subsequent penalties ; political caricature forbidden ; forty-three in every forty-four adult Frenchmen without more share in self-government or self-taxation than the beasts of the field ; and a system of corruption and patronage at their charge, matured to keep them, if they will submit to it, evermore in that condition

For this state of things, the people have a right to accuse of complicity with Louis Philippe, not only the Doctrinaries, not only all who have, under whatever denomination, participated in power, but the wealthy classes, and electoral and parliamentary majorities.

* Before the three days of July, we have men like Guizot, Molé, Dupin, Villemain, and De Broglie, from the professor's chair—from the tribune, —from the columns of the press,-stern in the denunciation of the corruption of that day, or unwearying in their attempts to popularize constitutional government. We have Thiers in the National' advocating ultra-democratical ideas, to be realized through revival and conjunction of the principles of the young republic, the glorious and energetic activity of the empire. We have three-fourths of the opposition, we have three-fourths of the press, from the 'Journal des Debats,' to the National,' from Thiers, Guizot, Salvandy, on the grave page of his history, to Victor Hugo in the drama, and Beranger, the chansonnier, in his songs, teaching us to exact, and promising that we should obtain, forms of free self-government, which, whether or not resembling, by common accord were to exceed in liberality, those of church-ridden and aristocratic England.

After that revolution, what do we find, but each unteaching the lesson that he had inculcated, and acting in unblushing contradiction to the convictions he had ostentatiously recorded ?

• The puritanical Guizot and his school, who had preached the example of Great Britain, in the language of Geneva, gave us of the British constitution only its oligarchic elements, degraded in their hands from an aristocratic oligarchy, to an oligarchy of wealth of the counter, and of the · Bourgeoisie ;' but of the extended representation, of the free. dom of the press, and of the personal liberty of Great Britain,nothing!

• Proud, austere, and incorruptible in seeming, this man, within a few months, lowered the dignity of that France, which once spoke trumpettongued in Madrid, Rome and Venice, to the intrigues of a brothel at the court of Spain, to connivance with Austrian tyranny abroad, and with the proven dishonesty, at home, of colleagues in its dishonoured cabinet. We have Thiers, the fiery tribune of the people, the ardent promulgator of unbounded freedom, the apologist of Danton, and panegyrist of the Mountain, become monarchial and aristocratic, 'giving and executing,' as Cormenin says, 'pitiless instructions, associating his name with the declaration of a state of siege in Paris, with the massacres of Lyons, with the exploits of the Rue Transnonain, with the incarcerations of the Mount St. Michael, with the laws on association, on street cries, on the assizes, and the public papers, in short, with all the laws which have tended to restrain the press, to influence juries, and occasion the dissolution of the National Guard.

We have Duchatel, whose labours had awakened us to the advantages of commercial liberty, become the instrument of suicidal restriction; we have Humann exhorting to retrenchment, and then acting as the tool of unparalleled expenditure; Charles Dupin, who has done so much to remove our prejudices against England, fanning the flame of Anglo-phobia ; and Beaumont and De Tocqueville, the energetic denun. ciators of negro slavery, voting to please the slave-traders of Nantes.

*We have the · Debats' whose owner, Bertin de Vaux, a peerage purchases, and the · Presse,' whose proprietor has been bargaining for a peerage, supporting the encroachments of one throne, after contributing to overthrow another,—the Commerce,' and the Constitutionel following the fortunes of Thiers. It is not only the paper, or the significance of the banner-their title, which alters, or the writers who desert it, but they are no less versatile in their convictions, no less shameless in their versatility. Emile de Girardin boasts openly of the subsidy he receives to advocate Russian interests in his columns; the muse of Victor Hugo is extinguished beneath the coronet of the peer; and that irrepressible spirit of Beranger, which no prosecution could quell, is quenched in the torpedo-like embrace of the royalty he helped to establish.

•Step by step these men,-the £90 electors who elect, the deputies elected to constitute the majorities which ministers buy, and the ministers who purchase them,-are joint participators with Louis Philippe, in one stupendous breach of trust, which involves a double aspect, and a double motive. Internally, the betrayal of France's interests, moral and material ; externally, the sacrifice of her honour.'--Vol. i. pp. 231–5.

There are numerous statistical facts, of great importance in estimating the progress of Europe, that we should have been glad of space to introduce. The following may close our notice of this work. In the United States, every free adult male shares in the government; in Switzerland, nearly every adult male ;

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