the kingdom. This deputation probably hastened the departure of the princesses, who set out on their journey very soon afterwards.

This was no sooner known at Paris than it excited a commotion far greater than could have been naturally expected from the occasion. -.

A rumour having been spread that monsieur the king's brother, and his princess, intended to follow his aunts, a multitude assembled at the palace of the Luxembourg to entreat him to stay. He thought it expedient to appear among them, and assure them that he had no intention of leaving Paris; adding, that he never would quit his fellow-citizens: from which it may be concluded, that he did not consider the inhabitants of Paris as his fellow-citizens; for he secretly quitted them sometime after, and has not returned to them since.

When the two princesses arrived at Moret, the municipality of that place thought it improper to allow them to proceed any farther until a deputation should be sent to Paris, to know whether or not their journey was approved of by the national assembly.

The princesses would have been obliged to remain at Moret till the return of this deputation, had not a detachment of hussars which arrived about the same time thought that they had as good a right to decide on this subject as the municipality of Moret; and they determined that the princesses should be allowed to go when they pleased. The princesses proceeded accordingly. But when they arrived at Arnay-le-Duc, the municipality of that place were of the same opinion with that of Moret; and the unfortunate ladies were under the necessity of remaining there until the national assembly should be consulted. The ambassadors from Arnay-le-Duc came to the bar of the national assembly at a time when, as it would appear, the members were much in the humour of debating, and greatly at a loss for a subject. After a warm discussion of many hours, it was finally decreed, that the two old ladies

might continue their journey to Rome without farther molestation.

CHAPTER XXII.

Death and Character of Mirabeau-Insurrection of the Populace of Paris-Chevaliers du Poignard-The Royal Family stopped as they were going to St. Cloud-Reflections-Excessive Insolence of the Rabble-Société-Fraternelle-Libels.

ABOUT this time Mirabeau died. He had been prevented from appearing in the national assembly for some time by a sudden decline of his bodily strength; but his mind, retaining its vigour to the last, was occupied during his confinement on the public concerns. Even on his death

bed he dictated his thoughts on a subject then under discussion by the assembly. What he had dictated was read to the assembly by the bishop of Autun on the very day that the death of Mirabeau was announced.

The excesses in which he had indulged overcame the force of a very vigorous constitution, and brought him to his grave at the age of forty-two.

His mind was vigorous, comprehensive, and acute. With the quickness of thought, variety of knowledge, and happiness of expression which constitutes eloquence, he also possessed that power of voice which is necessary to give it full effect in a numerous assembly. To a talent for repartee he joined the powers of profound reasoning: so that he was equally prepared to disconcert his opponent with sarcasm, or to refute him by the force of argument. Although his features were harsh and his person clumhe had the art of rendering himself agreeable to women -an art which he too often used to libertine purposes, and as it is asserted, with greater success than many whose intentions were equally profligate, and their persons better formed for seduction.

sy,

His excessive love of pleasure would have tended to

render him completely dissipated, and of course left him ignorant, had he not employed the long intervals of confinement and retirement that his debauches and his want of money obliged him to, in studies which, with better health and more riches, he would have neglected.

Had he become an early favourite at court, and been placed in those high and lucrative situations that his birth and talents gave him a claim to, he might have been satisfied to have remained a mere courtier, and supporter of that oppressive and arbitrary system, against which he inveighed so violently and which he attacked with such energy. His tedious imprisonments and the hardships he suffered, sometimes in consequence of his own irregularities, and sometimes from the tyranny of others, inspired him with sympathy for the oppressed, hatred against lettres de cachet, an unconquerable aversion to tyranny, and a fervent desire of establishing freedom in his native country.

As Mirabeau was a man of violent passions, he was on some occasions carried by his resentment to oppose the measures of the ministers which his judgment approved; and on other occasions there is reason to believe that he accepted of considerable sums from the court to support measures in the national assembly, which, independent of that circumstance, he would have supported as agreeable to his own political principles. The question on the king's absolute veto-for the ministers being members of the national assembly-and some others, in favour of which he spoke with great ability, and at the risk of his popularity, were of this nature. This conduct was no doubt highly unbecoming, and gives some ground for the idea which many entertain, that he was as corrupt in politics as profligate in private life. It does not appear, however, that he ever lent his aid to any public measure inconsistent with his own ideas of liberty, and his avowed love of a monarchical form of government limited by law.'*

It is recorded of the famous Marshal Turenne, that when he commanded the French army in Germany, deputies from a certain town came VOL. IV.

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to

Mirabeau has been represented in the blackest and most disgusting colours; but these accounts are to be received with caution and reserve; for, as few men have ever united in their character so many of those qualities which are apt to create enmity, so few men ever had so many enemies. As an active agent in bringing on the revolution, he was hated by all the friends of the old system of government. As a friend to monarchy, he was disliked by those who wished to have a republican form of government in France. As an avowed freethinker, he shocked the pious, and was traduced by the hypocritical. As a man of wit, he was dreaded and detested by the dull; and as his talents for conducting a popular assembly were unequalled, he was an object of envy to all who aspired to be leaders in the revolution.

His death was an irreparable loss to the royal family; for there is reason to think, that, had he lived, those who have since his death figured as principals in the revolution would have acted very subordinate parts. His superior talents and address would have given such energy to the first movements of the new constitution as would have precluded the attempts of the republicans against it on the one hand, and those of the abettors of the old go. vernment on the other. The friends of limited monarchy would have united; the wisest of the courtiers would have remained contented with the degree of power left in the king's hands; the democrates would have been satisfied with the share of democracy which belonged to the constitution; many of the Gironde party would have rallied under Mirabeau; such wretches as Hebert and Chau

to his camp, and offered him an hundred thousand crowns, on condition that he would not march his army through their territory. As your town is not on the route which I intend to take,' said he, I cannot in conscience accept the money you offer.'

Mirabeau in the same situation would certainly not have acted in the disinterested and dignified manner that Marshal Turenne did; nor will his general character bear a comparison with that of the marshal; yet I question if Mirabeau would, in obedience to the orders of Lewis XIV, have ravaged and ruined the Palatinate.

mette would never have been heard of; Marat would have been condemned and executed; and Robespierre would never have had it in his power to commit those crimes which have deluged France with blood, shocked all Europe, and disgraced human nature. Mirabeau himself imagined, that he could have preserved the constitution; but he foresaw its destruction in his death ; and a little before he expired, he predicted that the French monarchy would not survive him long.

Whatever enmity had existed against Mirabeau among the leaders of the different factions during his life, all seemed disposed to pay public honours to his memory after his death. Those demanded by the various sections, and decreed by the national assembly, with the magnificence of his funeral, are proofs of this. As for the attachment of the Parisian populace, it does him little honour, since they shewed the same, or greater, to so very despicable a being as Marat.

The importance of the audience who occupied the galleries of the national assembly, and of the populace of Paris, increased more rapidly after the death of Mirabeau than it had done before; and although he was one of those who had wished the assembly to be removed from Versailles to Paris, yet, if he had lived, he would have had reason to regret that the measure had been adopted ; for, although Mirabeau had greater talents than any of his cotemporaries for guiding a popular assembly such as that of the convention, men far inferior to him, the He berts and Chaumettes, and particularly the Marats, were better qualified for exciting the furious unthinking rabble.

It is impossible to unfold the motives of every insurrection which occurred during the revolution. Some which were begun in consequence of a premeditated plan failed and came to nothing, from the error or weakness of the conductors. Some arose from mere accident, independent of any formed scheme, and became formidable from being thought the result of profound design and extensive conspiracy.