add much to the trade of the farmers, and it does not touch the export of cotton, &c. while it will yield much advantage to the chief part of the population-it will not perceptibly injure any very influential interest What it spares, we are to spare like wise. We must have their cotton, and we cannot increase the duty on it. We must likewise have their tobacco, for a substitute for it cannot at present be found. Our rulers are to suffer all kinds of American produce to come as usual. And now what rational reason is there for expecting that, if we remain passive, America will soon be compelled to abandon her system? None can be discovered. When we look at what England was compelled to do, while she followed such a system, we can only find reasons to lead us to an opposite conclusion; and the system, we imagine, will work in the one country as it has worked in the other. Believing, as we do, that if this country resort to no retaliatory measures, America will persevere in her system, we naturally conceive that government will fail greatly in its duty, if it do nothing. Endeavours to make the best of the matter for our own interests, will be the most efficacious means we can use for compelling her to retrace her steps. She has given us full license to do whatever we inay think good, and we are no longer obliged to sacrifice one interest to her for the sake of another; she has demonstrated that she will not buy any thing of us beyond what her interests or necessities may require, and it is for us to act accordingly. rica is the kind which is almost exclusively used by the lower classes, and no substitute for it, in either quantity or quality, can at present be found. It would not in our judgment be wise to increase the duty on it; such increase would be an additional tax on the poor man, and it would injure ourselves more than the Americans. We would recommend, instead, a large reduction in the duty on tobacco produced in our own colonies. The duty on it is, we believe, at present 2s. 9d. per lb., while that on American to. bacco is only 3s. This difference ap. pears to have been insufficient for stimulating the growth of colonial tobacco. Let the duty on the latter be reduced to 2s. or even 1s. 6d. per lb. This will ensure to the colonist a profit, which will not only incite him to raise it in adequate quantity, but enable him to make the requisite experiments and expenditure for raising it of the proper description. Mr Huskisson stated in Parliament, that abundance of tobacco could be produced in the East Indies. We admit the abundance, but doubt the quality. It has been asserted that excellent tobacco can be grown at the Cape of Good Hope and New South Wales-colonies which are greatly in need of staples and we think it worthy of credit. Amidst our colonies some certainly may be found capable of producing tobacco similar and equal to that of America. Government might perhaps render much assistance, in introducing proper seed, culture, and modes of curing. The low duty on colonial tobacco could not, from the small import, do much injury at the first to the revenue; and it could afterwards be raised, if necessary. With regard to her cotton, as we have said, we must have it, and we cannot increase the duty on it. A duty would do far more injury to our own manufacturers, than to her growers, and of course it cannot be thought of. Our only resource here is, to encourage the cultivation of cotton as much as possible in our own colonies, and to favour the import from other nations. Ministers appear to have decided on taking the right course in regard to both cotton and rice. A few years will render us independent of America for these articles, and enable us to buy them where we can sell the manufactures which she has excluded. In respect of tobacco, that of Ame has, to the farthest point in her power, VOL. XXIV. But our first great blow ought to be struck at the ships of America. As we have before stated, these ships now engross the chief part of the carrying; they carry not only nearly all that she buys of us, but nearly all that we buy of her. Her cotton, tobacco, &c. are to a very great extent brought to this country in her own vessels. It matters not whether this state of things did or did not originate in necessity; it is sufficient for us to know, that nothing but imperious necessity could sanction it, and that no such necessity can now be pleaded. No one but a traitor will say, that after America 4 M excluded our manufactures from her market, her ships should still be suffered to bring her productions to the market we give her, to the exclusion of our own. Let notice be at once given to annul the reciprocity treaty; and let her cotton, &c. henceforward be brought to this country in our own vessels. We repeat that, to a discriminating duty on our part, she cannot oppose one that will have any material operation. Powerful and discontented as her cotton-growers, &c. are, she will scarcely venture to depress her exports with such a duty; and if she do, the probability will be the greater that she will be compelled to change her system. Granting that the duties of both should drive the ships of both wholly out of the trade, what would follow? The loss would fall principally on her; and our ships would only lose, what is on the aver age a losing trade of insignificant extent. It would be far more consistent with our general interests, for her cotton, &c. to be imported into this country exclusively in Swedish, Hanseatic, and Prussian ships, than to be imported as they now are, almost exclusively in American ones. Let the reciprocity treaty be abandoned. By this, great injury will be done to her naval power-our suffering shipowners will be benefited-our own naval power will be positively and negatively increased and a precedent will be established for abandoning other reciprocity treaties as they expire. And now, we will ask, ought not all practicable means to be used for preventing the emigration of capital, machinery, skill, and labour, to America? Unless it can be proved that the more expert in manufactures, numerous in population, wealthy, and powerful, we render her, the more we shall promote our own interests and security-unless this can be proved, the reply must be in the affirmative. It would be very idle in us to place argument before those who cannot see what ought to be done in her past history and present conduct. At any rate, the current of voluntary emigration might be turned from her into our own colonies. It is a melancholy fact, that our surplus inhabitants, instead of emigrating, as they might do, to benefit us, do it to injure us in almost every way. Cannot the superiority enjoyed by America in the fisheries be taken from her and given to our North American possessions? We say, yes; we say that by the judicious employment of boun ties and other means, this might be done to the great injury of her naval power, the great benefit of our own, and the great extension of our trade. It is, however, useless in us to insist on this when the frantic maxim is acted on, that the most valuable trade ought not to be obtained or preserved, if it could not be done without the aid of bounties. From no other country has England so much to fear, as from America. No other country is so much our rival in general interest-entertains towards us so much jealousy and antipathy-is so anxious to make common cause against us at all opportunities-is so much above the control of other powers in her hostility to us-is so desirous of stripping us of territory— and is so advantageously situated for injuring us. In addition to this, she has been hitherto distinguished as a nation almost above all others, by her capacious spirit and her utter contempt of principle. In impressing this on the attention of Ministers, we will inform them, it is not by following the steps of many of their predecessors→→→ it is not by conciliation, submission, and concession-it is not by practising the dogmas of Free Trade-it is not by pouring into her, capital, machinery, skill, ships, trade, population, wealth and power-that they will protect this country from the aggressions, and confine her to her relative weakness and inferiority. They must have a new system, and AN ENGLISH SYSTEM. The only true principles of free trade which they can act on in regard to England and America, are those which will render the former as powerful, and the latter as feeble, as possible. Different principles will be as destructive to the trade of England, as to the rest of her possessions. THE VOICE OF THE WIND. "There is nothing in the wide world so like the voice of a spirit."-GRAY'S LETTERS. I. OH! many a voice is thine, thou Wind! full many a voice is thine, Thou hast been across red fields of war, where shiver'd helmets lie, III. Thou hast been o'er solitary seas, and from their wastes brought back IV. Thou art come from forests dark and deep, thou mighty rushing Wind! V. Thou art come from cities lighted up for the conqueror passing by, VI. Thou art come from kingly tombs and shrines, froin ancient minsters vast, VII. Thou art come from long-forsaken homes, wherein our young days flew, VIII. Are all these notes in thee, wild Wind? these many notes in thee? F. H. Noctes Ambrosianae, No. XXXIX. ΧΡΗ ΔΕΝ ΣΥΜΠΟΣΙΩ ΚΥΛΙΚΩΝ ΠΕΡΙΝΙΣΣΟΜΕΝΑΩΝ Σ. [This is a distich by wise old Phocylides, An ancient who wrote crabbed Greek in no silly days; Meaning, ""TIS RIGHT FOR GOOD WINEBIBBING FEOPLE, NOT TO LET THE JUG PACE ROUND THE BOARD LIKE A CRIPPLE; An excellent rule of the hearty old cock 'tis And a very fit motto to put to our Noctes.] C. N. ap. Ambr. SCENE I. The smaller Oval.-Time, seven o'clock.-NORTH and SHEPHERD.-Table with silver urn-Tea and coffee-pots, ditto-China, pattern the Murder of the Innocents-Cakes, crumpets, cookies, muffins, bunns, short-bread, petticoat-tails, &c. &c.-Honey, marmalade, jams, jellies, &c.—rizzards, kipper, red herrings, eggs, &c.-Dutch dram-case, THE BOTTLE, &c. SHEPHERD. I think little or naething, Mr North, o' the four-hours by way o' a meal, accepp a man has happened, by some miscalculation o' time or place, to miss his denner. NORTH. I cannot now do, James, without a single cup of coffee. SHEPHERD. A single cup o' coffee! gin ye hae drank ane the nicht, sir, you've drank half a dizzen-forbye twa dishes-or ca' them rather bowls-for cups wad indeed be a misnomer-or rather baishins o' gun-poother tee― NORTH. As you love me, my dear James, call it not tee-but tay. That, though obsolete, is the classical pronunciation. Thus Pope sings in the Rape of the Lock, canto first, "Soft yielding minds to water glide away, And also in canto third "Where thou, great Anna, whom three realms obey, And finally in the Basset Table "Tell, tell your grief, attentive will I stay, SHEPHERD. A body might think frae thae rhymes, that Pop had been an Eerishman. NORTH. Now, my dear James, remember your promise-that you will allow me to play First Fiddle as long as the urn hisses-or, as Wordsworth says of the kettle on the fire, " murmurs its sweet undersong." SHEPHERD. Play awa then, sir-but dinna you forget that I am to do the same thing after sooper. Try to be as little wearisome as you can, and first plump anither lump o' loaf-sugar intil my baishin. NORTH. Why, James, you not only said you were for no more tay, but turned up your cup and laid your spoon across SHEPHERD. You're leein' I did nae sic thing—or if I did, I noo draw back, and eat in my words NORTH. Why, after eating in so much multifarious and multitudinous bread, I should think you will find that no easy matter— SHEPHERD. Do ye ca' that playin' the First Fiddle? Gie ower attemptin' bein' wutty the nicht, sir, for you've never recovered yourself after fa'in' intil yon pun. It's an easy matter for ane that's nae conjuror to swallow the staff o' life. But "leave off your damnable faces and begin." NORTH. Won't you allow me, my dear Shepherd, a half caulker? SHEPHERD. Na-but 'll alloo you a haill ane-and as ae freen' canna do anither a greater service than to shew him a gude example-up goes my wee finger— The Shepherd upsets the BOTTLE-the bottle upsets the urn-the urn upsets the tea-pot-the tea-pot upsets the coffee-pot-the coffee-pot upsets the cream-jug, and the Murder of the Innocents is brought to a catastrophe.-Enter Mr AMBROSE and Household, in great agitation. Oh! oh! oh! oh! oh! oh! OMNES. NORTH. Calm mid the crash of the whole Empire of China, I lean upon my crutch. SHEPHERD. A meeracle-a meeracle! I've wroucht a meeracle. The cheeny, though frail and fair as cranreuch, has nae sae much as ae sasser chipped on the rim. No an atom broken. A' that belangs to The Magazine is imperishable. The origin of Poetry is only to be investigated in the principles and demands of human nature. Wherever man has asserted his humanity, we find some sort of composition, oral or written, spontaneous or premeditated, answering to the general notion of the Poetic. Authentic history informs us of no time when poetry was not; and if the divine art has sometimes sung its own nativity, it is in strains which confess while they glorify ignorance. The sacred annals are silent, and the heathens, by referring the invention of verse to the gods, do but tell us that the mortal inventor was unknown. SHEPHERD. Of airts, as of men, the beginnings, sir, are commonly too weak to remember themsells. As therefore the first man could never have learned but by express revelation, whence he was, or hoo and when he began to be-so does the obscurity that invests the original of poetry seem to me to evince its primeval nobility. NORTH. Good, James. In all the legends of antiquity, history, allegory, and arbitrary fiction, are inextricably interwoven. Vain were the attempt to unravel the complex tissue, and to sort the threads according to their several shades of |