instances of this sort it should be made a rule to place ali parties belonging to the Communist International under the supervision of the International Congress or the executive committee. In case the latter refuses the application of a party, the party in question shall have the right to appeal to the Communist Inter national Congress.

17. Resolutions adopted by the Congress of the Third International and the executive committee thereof are obligatory up all parties belonging to the Communist International. In this momentous period of civil strife it is imperative that the Thir International be far more unified and in its action far more cer tralized than the Second International ever has been. The Comunist International and its executive committee must reck. with the divergent conditions of the movement in various oustries, and, therefore, final and compulsory decisions can he brought only upon careful consideration.

In the opinion of the committee the conditions of affiliation ar absolutely incompatible with the position of our party as set fort in the majority resolution adopted by the last national conventie and approved by referendum. The committee considers the conditions impossible of acceptance by the Socialist party of i United States. The Comrades of the Communist Internation have assumed the right to dictate internal affairs and policies the affiliated parties and to force upon us declarations and metha of propaganda which are inapplicable to the conditions in this country.

In the words of Comrade Eugene V. Debs, who is meeting wi the committee and advising with us in the preparation of reply, "the Moscow program wants to commit us to a policy of armed insurrection; the Moscow Comrades have arrogated themselves the right to dictate the tactics, the program, the w conditions of propaganda in all countries. It is ridiculous, trary, autocratic, as ridiculous as if we were to dictate to them b they should carry on their propaganda."

The conditions of affiliation laid down by the Communist I national are not only impossible of acceptance by our party, but the opinion of the committee they are a detriment to the S Government. The promulgation of these declarations at a when opposition to the Soviet Government was lessening strong movements existed in all Western countries for resum of trade relations, was a colossal blunder. It tends to disrupt 2

organize the Socialist movements in other countries; it strengththe reactionaries of all countries, gives them new arguments for reactionary measures of suppression, and impedes the growing endency for resumption of trade relations.

In view of the conditions of affiliation set forth above, and nder the authority of the provisions of the majority report recently adopted, which is the declaration of the party's position, this committee is now authorized to participate in or initiate a Lovement for the formation of a genuine International Socialist ganization. However, we feel that the conditions existing at the e of the Pittsburgh meeting have not changed to any great extent and this committee will, therefore, await further developents or the receipt of definite proposals from European parties fore taking any action relating to international affiliation.

(Signed)

EDMUND T. MELMS,

GEORGE E. ROEWER, JR,

JAMES ONEAL,

BERTHA H. MAILLY,

W. M. BRANDT,

JOHN HAGEL,

WILLIAM H. HENRY,

National Executive Committee Socialist Party,

OTTO BRANSTETTER,

Executive Secretary.

NOTE ON CHAPTER III

The Activities of the Russian Soviet Regime in the United States

In the chapter of this report dealing with the activities of be Russian Soviet regime and its sympathizers in the United States, attention has been called to the attempt on the part this committee to elicit from Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, the unrecognized Soviet representative in this country, informa tion respecting the correspondence with his own government. The Committee was not successful in obtaining this informa tion for the reason that Martens fled the jurisdiction wh assured he would be punished for contempt of the Committee He did not return until after July 1st, at which time the pow of this Committee to issue a subpoena had expired. Since that date he has publicly continued to carry on his propaga through the instrumentality of his weekly newspaper known as Soviet Russia. He has appeared on more than one occasion public meetings.

In the early part of August in 1920 when the drive of Russian Soviet army on Warsaw was at its height, the Secr tary of State of the United States addressed a communicati to the Italian Government with respect to the attitude of United States on the Polish situation. This document was answer to an inquiry on the part of the Italian ambassador a regards the position of the United States with regard to t Russian-Polish situation. The Committee feels that it is portant that this document should be given in full as it su marizes in a masterly way information respecting the chara and objects of the Russian Soviet regime in its foreign relati We particularly call attention to the following paragraph:

"It is not possible for the Government of the Ta States to recognize the present rulers of Russia as a gover ment with which the relations common to friendly gr ments can be maintained. This conviction has nothing t do with any particular political or social structure w the Russian people themselves may see fit to embrace rests upon a wholly different set of facts. These fa which none disputes have convinced the Governme the United States, against its will, that the existing reg

in Russia is based upon the negation of every principle of honor and good faith, and every usage and convention, underlying the whole structure of international law; the negation, in short, of every principle upon which it is possible to base harmonious and trustful relations, whether of nations or of individuals. The responsible leaders of the regime have frequently and openly boasted that they are willing to sign agreements and undertakings with forein powers while not having the slightest intention of observing such undertakings or carrying out such agreements. This attitude of disregard of obligations voluntarily entered into, they base upon the theory that no compact or agreement made with a non-Bolshevist government can have any moral force for them. They have not only avowed this as a doctrine, but have exemplified it in praetice. Indeed, upon numerous occasions the responsible spokesman of this Power, and its official agencies, have declared that it is their understanding that the very existence of Bolshevism in Russia, the maintenance of their own rule, depends, and must continue to depend, upon the occurrence of revolutions in all other great civilized nations, including the United States, which will overthrow and destroy their governments and set up Bolshevist rule in their stead. They have made it quite plain that they intend to use every means, including, of course, diplomatic agencies, to promote such revolutionary movements in other

euntries.

"It is true that they have in various ways expressed their willingness to give assurances' and guarantees that they will not abuse the privileges and immunities of d.plomatic agencies by using them for this purpose. In view of their own declarations, already referred to, such 2-surances and guarantees cannot be very seriously regarded. Moreover, it is within the knowledge of the Government of the United States that the Bolshevist Government is itself subject to the control of a political faction, with extensive international ramifications through the Third Internationale, and that this body, which is heavily subsidized by the Bolshevist Government from the public revenues of Russia, has for its openly avowed aim the promotion of Bolshevist revolutions throughout the world. The leaders of the Bolsheviki

have boasted that their promises of non-interference with other nations would in no wise bind the agents of this body. There is no room for reasonable doubt that such agents would receive the support and protection of any diplomatie agencies the Bolsheviki might have in other countries. Inevitably, therefore, the diplomatic service of the Bolshevist Government would become a channel for intrigues and the propaganda of revolt against the institutions and laws of countries, with which it was at peace, which would be ar abuse of friendship to which enlightened governments cannot subject themselves.

"In the view of this Government, there cannot be any common ground upon which it can stand with a Power whose conceptions of international relations are so entirely alien to its own, so utterly repugnant to its moral sense There can be no mutual confidence or trust, no respect even. if pledges are to be given and agreements made with a cynical repudiation of their obligations already in the mind of one of the parties. We cannot recognize, hold official rela tions with, or give friendly reception to the agents of a government which is determined and bound to conspir against our institutions; whose diplomats will be the at tors of dangerous revolt; whose spokesmen say that th sign agreements with no intention of keeping them.

The position taken by the Government in this document is result of a careful analysis of authoritative information gath by various federal investigation services, and is in thor accord with the recommendations made by this Committee a Part II, Section 1, Chapter 1 of this report, which deals with question of the recognition of the Soviet regime.

In order that the readers of this report may have before the the statements which this document elicited from Ludwig C. 4. K. Martens, Soviet representative, we include at the close of th note, the statement of the Soviet Bureau on the "Americ Policy" which appeared in the issue of "Soviet Russia" fr August 21, 1920, and also the text of the note of Chicherit: the Italian Ambassador of the United States, which was deliver by Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, bearing on the same subject

It should be noted that in these two statements there is fed no real answer to the objections raised by the American Go ment to a recognition of that regime.