opportunity in endless disputes among themselves as to the method of procedure, resulting perhaps in open conflict.

"It is not to be expected that a ruling class will willingly give up its power, no matter how large a majority vote against it may be. When the Southern slave-holders were threatened with the loss of their property and power as a result of the election of Lincoln, they immediately prepared for war against the North, in spite of the solemn assurances of Lincoln that he would in no way interfere with slavery in the South. Every ruling class can be depended upon to do the same thing. During the American Revolution the Tories probably formed the majority of the people. The patriots went right ahead with their plans nevertheless. To crush the Tories, who opposed the revolution, the patriots die franchised them, deprived them of their property, denied them all political and civil rights; hundreds were brutally mistreated and about 100,000 were driven into exile. These measures were taken to safeguard the revolution.

"Does it mean the disfranchisement of the bourgeoisie?

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"It all depends on the existing conditions. Lenine in discussing this question points out that the limitation of the suffrage was a purely Russian question. The limitation of the suffrage is a purely national question, but not one that involves the ques tion of proletarian dictatorship. It would be a mistake to state beforehand that all, or most of the future proletarian revolutions in Europe absolutely will give a limited suffrage to the bourgeoisie It may so happen. . . . But it is not necessary for the enfor ment of proletarian dictatorship, it is not an absolute distinguis ing mark of the logical conception of such a dictatorship, it s not a necessary prerequisite for the historical and class e ception of the dictatorship.'

"Do we urge giving up demands for civil and political liberties under capitalism?

"Not at all. Socialists have always insisted upon the necessity of using every possible weapon in the fight against the mas class. But we recognize full well that the ruling class will grant the workers civil and political rights, only if they are forced to the power of the workers. We can at the same time expose nature of the capitalist dictatorship under which we live. We favor a democratic republic as the best form of the state for å proletariat under capitalism, but we must not forget that slavery is the lot of the people even under the most demort republic.

"If the dictatorship is to be used in the transitional period why teach it now?

"Many who are opposed to the dictatorship claim that talking about it now is premature; that we are so far from assuming ower that it is unnecessary to discuss what we will do in the transition period. The fact that we are far removed from the establishment of the Co-operative Commonwealth does not prevent us from talking about the necessity of establishing it. It is absolutely necessary that we should ourselves understand the nanner in which a Socialist Party should proceed when it assumes power. To avoid discussing the dictatorship and including it mong our accepted principles, because it is premature, or because it may not be expedient, in that it may cost us some votes, is to invite disaster when the crucial moment arrives. It will but result in our teaching the workers what is fundamentally untrue, hat is, that we can vote ourselves into Socialism. Now is the time to discuss tactics, not when the revolution is upon us. Let us avoid the experiences of the European parties who were rent with open, bloody, internal conflicts over just such questions. "Is the phrase an unfortunate one?

"The word 'dictatorship' is an unfortunate one. To the American it means arbitrary rule by a few over the many. That exactly the opposite of what it means when used in connection with the phrase Dictatorship of the Proletariat.' Debs pointed is out in his acceptance speech: There is some difficulty about at unfortunate phrase about the dictatorship. Adictatorship' s not imply what we mean. It is a misnomer. Dictatorship autocracy. There is no autocracy in the rule of the masses. During the transition period the revolution must protect itself. Ine French Socialists in their recent congress took what I believe the correct attitude, that everyone believes in a dictatorship a thesis. But it is an unfortunate term and leads to misrepretation. I am sorry it is used.'

This was exactly how the minority felt about the matter, d therefore Section 8 does not contain the phrase. It contains, wever, the substance, the meaning of the phrase.

Will not the bourgeoisie proceed to establish a ruthless dictaor-hip of their own if we declare ourselves for a proletarian tatorship?

The capitalist class is not waiting for any excuses to establish eir dictator-hip. We have had their dictatorship all along --

as much of it as they thought they could impose. It will become more ruthless if they believe the workers are weak. As the workers demonstrate their power they will hesitate somewhat in their efforts to deprive the workers of their few remaining rights.

"The important Socialist Parties of the world have gone o record in favor of the dictatorship of the proletariat: The British Socialist Party, the French Socialist Party, the Inde pendent Socialist Party, as well as the Communist Party of Germany, the Italian Socialist Party, the Norwegian Social Demo cratic Party, and large elements of the Spanish, Scandinavia. and Balkan parties. We can do no better for the welfare of our own party than to take our place with them.

"BENJAMIN GLASSBERG."

DOCUMENT 6-REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTION Your Committee on Constitution begs leave to report that ther have taken up the constitution seriatim and considered each ses tion in connection with suggestions and resolutions submit to it and that they recommend the following amendments:

1. That Article II, Section 2, be amended to read: "Section? Every person resident of the United States of the age of 21 upwards," and so forth. Carried.

2. That Article II, Section 6, be stricken out of the consti tion and that a convention resolution on the subject cover ti matter. Carried.

4. Amend Article III, Section 2, Paragraph (b), by adi "said motion may be accompanied by a statement of not me than 500 words." Carried.

5. Amend Article IV, Section 10, to read as follows: "Se 10. Fifty cents per year per member of the dues provided for s this constitution for the National Organization shall be a s scription to the monthly publication of the National Office.' to known as 'The Socialist World,' and shall be so applied by Executive Secretary." Carried.

Amend Article VIII, Section 8, Paragraph (a), by chang "60" to "30." Carried.

Amend Article VIII, Section 6, by adding, "Dual converti stamps shall be issued to dual membership." Carried.

Article VIII, Section 10, as substitute for Article V Section 10.

1

All national platforms, amendments of platforms or constitution, and resolutions adopted by any national convention shall be submitted to a referendum vote of the membership.

1. Upon request of the membership through initiative provision of this constitution; or

2. Upon the specific request of delegates numbering at least ote-fourth of the delegates voting on such measures. Such request for submission to referendum to be made before the adjournment. of the convention.

One-fourth of the regularly elected delegates shall be entitled to have alternative paragraphs submitted at the same time. Such ernative paragraphs, signed by one-fourth of such delegates shall be filed with the Executive Secretary not later than one day after the adjournment of the convention. Carried.

Article VIII, Section 11, as substitute for Article XIV, Section 2:

Any matter referred to the membership by the convention shall t be in effect until approved by the referendum vote of the membership.

Platforms and resolutions shall take effect upon adoption. Amendments to constitution shall take effect sixty days after eing adopted. Carried.

Article VIII, Section 12. Agenda Committee:

The National Executive Committee shall formulate the Agenda r the Party Convention. The committee shall issue a call for resolutions and suggestions four months before the convenion, allowing one month for filing of same with committee. After preparing a preliminary Agenda based upon the material received at the expiration of the allotted time, the committee hall send it to the subdivision of the party for amendment and vision, allowing one month for same. Upon receipt of revisions, e committee shall prepare a final draft of the Agenda which be sent to the party subdivisions at least one month before e convention and submitted to the convention. Carried. Article XII, Section 1. As substitute for Article XII, Section 1, and Article XIV, Section 1.

Motions or resolutions to be voted upon by the entire member p of the party shall be submitted seriatim by the Executive Secretary to the referendum vote of the membership upon the test of locals, as follows:

On amendments to constitution, upon request of locals representing at least 8 per cent of the membership.

On recall of any or all members of the N. E. C. upon request of locals representing at least 10 per cent of the membership. located in at least five different states.

On all other actions, upon request of locals representing at least 5 per cent of the membership.

The term "local" as herein used shall mean a local or branch of a local, but not a body composed of delegates from branches or locals. The term "membership" shall mean the entire membership on the basis of dues paid in the preceding year.

Delegates to International, National, State and Local Conventions and Congresses and members of executive or other govern ing Committees of the party in National, State and Local organizations must be citizens of the United States, and in contin as good standing in the party for at least three years, provi such organizations have been organized for such time. Carried.

Article XIII. Young People's Socialist League.

1. The work among the young in the national field shall be under the control and direction of the National Executive Com mittee of the Socialist Party.

2. The National Executive Committee shall employ a Nation Director, who shall direct the Propaganda and Education amon the young. He shall organize the young people between the of 14 and 25 into groups to be known as "Branches of the Youne People's Socialist League," and shall cooperate with and ad those branches affiliated with the Department of Propaganda among the young which is under the direction of the Natio Executive Committee of the Socialist Party. All Y. P. S. L members over 25 years of age must join the party.

3. The National Director of Propaganda among the young sha be entitled to a voice, but no vote, at all National Comm meetings or conventions of the Young People's Socialist Lear

4. The Branches of the Young People's Socialist League st be under the jurisdiction of the City, County or State orga tions, and must in all cases work in harmony with the con tion and platform of the City and State organizations and Socialist Party.

5. Every State, City and County organization shall ele least one member of the Socialist Party to represent the party a the State, County or City organization of the Y. P. S. L. as the