of the capitalists, or immediately socialize industry. It is therefore necessary that the proletariat organize its own state for the ercion and suppression of the bourgeoisie.

Capitalism is bourgeois dictatorship. Parliamentary governent is the expression of bourgeois supremacy, the form of authorof the capitalist over the worker. The bourgeois state is ganized to coerce the proletariat, to baffle the will of the masses. In form a democracy, the bourgeois parliamentary state is in fact n autocracy, the dictatorship of capital over the proletariat.

Proletarian dictatorship is a recognition of the necessity for 1 revolutionary state to coerce and suppress the bourgeoisie; it qually a recognition of the fact that, in the Communist reconution of society, the proletariat as a class alone counts. e new society organizes as a communistic federation of proThe proletariat alone counts in the revolution, and in The reconstruction of society on a Communist basis. The old machinery of the state cannot be used by the revolury proletariat. It must be destroyed. The proletariat teatim a new state, based directly upon the industrially organized ducers, upon the industrial unions or Soviets, or a combinaa of both. It is this state alone, functioning as a dictatorship f the proletariat, that can realize Socialism.

The tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat are:

a To completely expropriate the bourgeoisie politically, and h its powers of resistance.

To expropriate the bourgeoisie economically, and introduce e forms of Communist Socialism.

Breaking the political power of the capitalists is the most ortant task of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat, e upon this depends the economic and social reconstruction of

ut this political expropriation proceeds simultaneously with immediate, if partial, expropriation of the bourgeoisie nically, the scope of these measures being determined by astrial development and the maturity of the proletariat. measures, at first, include:

a Workmen's control of industry, to be exercised by the trial organizations of the workers, operating by means of industrial vote.

b. Expropriation and nationalization of the banks, as a neces

sary preliminary measure for the complete expropriation of capital.

(c) Expropriation and nationalization of the large (trust) organizations of capital. Expropriation proceeds without compensation, as “buying out" the capitalists is a repudiation of the tasks of the revolution.

(d) Repudiation of all national debts and the financial obliga tions of the old system.

(e) The nationalization of foreign trade.

(f) Measures for the socialization of agriculture.

These measures centralize the basic means of production in the proletarian state, nationalizing industry; and their partial character ceases as reconstruction proceeds. Socialization of industry becomes actual and complete only after the dictatorship of the proletariat has accomplished its task of suppressing the bourgeoisie.

(Issue of July 5, 1919, pp. 8, 14, 15.)

N. E. C. DECLARATION TO THE PARTY

Comrades, history calls to you! We must challenge Capitalism; we must rally the proletariat for the Communist struggle, in accord with our own conditions.

The Socialist Party is hampered in its activity. But August 30th, in the Chicago Convention, will mark the end of the Left Wing controversy. Revolutionary Socialism will control. You will crush the moderates. You will act! You will transform our party into a Communist Party, to express the mass struggle of the proletariat.

Then action! Then the revolutionary struggle!

We must go to the proletariat. We must build our movement anew. We must get the masses in our party- and answer the Communist call for action.

There are 30,000,000 American wage-workers- the force of potential revolution. Our chief task is to awaken and organiz these proletarian masses, wage the working-class struggle.

It is our determination as it is yours, comrades-to act on problems of organization. We shall, as conditions allow, devele and unify our means of action; we shall systematically develo our press under party ownership, establish a party-owned publish ing house, a party school for agitators, and a comprehensive lec

rebureau. We shall develop the necessary technique to get yar call for revolutionary action to the masses of the American letariat.

The final struggle is coming. Our deeds in the days to come. ll make proletarian history.

Comrades-prepare!

(Issue of August 2, 1919, page 4.)

SHALL THE BEAST RAPE MEXICO

However, the Anglo-American war and the Occidental-Oriental are likely to be killed in embryo by the death of their parent, A capitalist system.

Not so the American-Mexican war. The odds are in favor of much as I hate to admit it and hotly as my blood boils at the height of such an indefensible, unrighteous assault on a kindly, fensive people. It may not be now. It may not be for a year a couple of years or even five years, but sooner or later, if the italist system lasts, Mexico will be riveted by the chains of all Street slavery. It is as certain as the dawning of another

7.

Mexico has one hope, one real hope and only one. It is Sialism in the United States and England. The overthrow of apitalism in the nations that want to annex her will destroy the centive for annexations. Nothing else will, and as long as the entive remains intervention is the inescapable consequence of expanding trade needs of the present Anglo-American alliance. Capitalist governments care nothing for murdered men, violated men, starving children. They care only for the profits, profits, If the price of these profits is Mexican blood and tears, exican agony and suffering, they will pay the price without a

Issue of August 23, 1919, p. 4.)

THE LEFT WING ANSWERS

By I. E. FERGUSON

Objection: But the workers of the United States do not yet. Fit a revolution.

A-wer: That is the misfortune, because the United States giously in need of the Socialist revolution.

This is the master-phrase of the opposition to the Left Wing, calculated to work upon the nervous fears of the timid and cautious. And though timidity and caution have their complete justification, there is no justification whatever for making this objection to the Left Wing.

We say that the conditions for the social revolution are here; the high concentration of wealth and the advanced centralization of industry, to such a point that supreme control is now in the hands of the dozen chiefs of the central financial institutions; the existence of the class of permanent wage-workers as the overwhelming element of the population; the adaptation of the entire national life to the military adventures of extra-territorial financeexploitation, with a gigantic expenditure of materials and life (this expenditure being in itself the most fruitful source of finance-exploitation), the complete negation of the parliamentary democracy by open control by the financial masters, as during the war and since, and as emphasized by the agreement of the different capitalist parties on all essential economic matters, such as tariffs, banking and currency, control of public utilities, suppression of effective labor organization, yielding up of former concessions to the petty bourgeoisie in the nature of anti-trust laws, taxation at point of consumption, with minimum of taxation at the point of net profits, and Monroe Doctrine insistence upon all of South and Central America as the special imperialistic monopoly of American finance-capital.

American capitalism has reached the stage where its further progress carries with it an inevitable and terrible toll of destructiveness.

On the side of the working class there can be only a constant swelling of the ranks of unskilled, transit labor, in correspondence with the progress of the machine process and the spasmodic character of the market demands.

Capitalist mastery tends rapidly to a stage of military feudalism, turned to ruthless labor suppression and regimentation of the entire national life on the basis of a universalized militarism. The labor revolt rapidly acquires consciousness of the desperate nature of the combat, and of the futility of all processes except its own mass defiance.

(Issue of July 12, 1919, pages 7 and 11.)

38. GOOD MORNING

Published at 7 East 15th Street, Rand School Building, by Art Young. Circulation: Estimated, 5,000.

(This is a "humorous" weekly that is frankly apologetic toward revolutionary radicalism.)

YOUR RELATION TO GOVERNMENT

Finding that some are in doubt as to their relation to the governent, I make this statement to enlighten them. A government gets its authority by reason of the fact that the people delegate their power to it. Each individual gives up all right to say what is for his own good and the government assumes this right. Hence the first great truth to be noted is, a government can do no wrong. All its acts are legal, just, moral and good, as are those of its chosen servants.

If ever you happen to be a striker, or if you happen to be nterested in a strike, or if you see a crowd and wander over to what attracts it and the police or secret service men start to ak your head, you must not resist. Everything the governnt does is for your good. Simply stand still, hold your head p so as not to make the poor overworked officer's life harder, nd hope and pray that before he kills you he'll get tired and go to refresh himself at a nearby peanut stand.

Remember the police and military are constituted authority's -truments for preserving law and order; they have all the right their side. They may break your head, shoot you down at av time or the mounted police may walk their horses on you. This is legal and therefore right. It is part of their civic duty. but for you to protest or to strike back would be an act of violence ndering you liable to the worst penalty a law-enforcing judge can think of.

THE TROUBLE WITH THE BOLSHEVIKI

The chief trouble with the Bolsheviki seems to be that they ist upon suiting the action to the word. This is indefensible and mething we positively cannot stand for.

The Bolshevists stand for Socialism. If that were all, then everything would be all right. All of us are more or less Seialists these days. Vice-President Marshall is a kind of Sialist and Taft is a kind of Socialist and Morgan is a kind of Salist and Schwab is a kind of Socialist. We know this,