view of the diligence and adroitness of her counsel on that occasion may probably afford her both entertainment and satisfaction." Not a hint occurs that he himself had furnished the outline of argument. Again, in his private notes, it appears that he went in person for a warrant for Lewis; but in the account drawn up by him for perusal, he merely says, generally, that Mrs. Banks's servants procured a warrant. These little circumstances show at once his unaffected modesty, his Christian humility, and his knowledge of mankind. The reader must not, however, suppose that he was too unostentatious to give his pecuniary assistance, because he withheld his name. Not only in the cases which may be peculiarly called his own, was his purse employed; but even in that of the negro protected by Mrs. Banks, he offered, out of his pittance, to undertake any part of the expense, as he had been the cause of the affair's taking a more expensive course than was at first proposed. The whole work before us abounds with similar traits of character.

Mr. Sharp having been successful in all these trials, continued to liberate other captives as occasion offered. But while the essential point remained undecided, no security was afforded, from the apprehensions justly excited by the pertinacious avarice and tyranny of the slave-holders and slave-dealers. At length the important case of James Somerset, selected, it is said, at the desire both of Lord Mansfield and Mr. Sharp, settled the question as to the right of the British soil to embrace in its constitutional freedom all who touch upon its shores, of whatever clime or nation. At the commencement of this trial, Lord Mansfield declared, that "if it should come fairly to the general question, whatever the opinion of the court might be, even if they were all agreed on one side or the other, the subject was of so general and extensive concern, that from the nature of the question, he should certainly take the opinion of all the judges upon it." From this declaration, Mr. Sharp perceived that he should have to contend with all the strength that could be brought against him; and it came out on the trial that the master was backed, and the expenses paid, by the West India interest; but happily for his cause, his exertions had awakened so great a sympathy for the unfortunate objects of his protection, that he received the most generous offers of professional assistance, and none of the five eminent counsel who pleaded his cause (Sergeants Davy and Glynn, and Messrs. Mansfield, Hargrave, and Alleyne), would receive any remuneration for their exertions. Lord Mansfield, after repeated postponements, being obliged at length to give judgment, stated, that though he had at first thought to put the case in a more solemn way of argument, yet as all the judges present were

unanimous, it would be injustice not to give a decision. That decision we need not add was in favour of liberty'; and it cer tainly ought to excite respect for that eminent judge, that he so patiently heard, and acknowledged himself convinced by, arguments which controverted all his former assertions and proceedings on this great question. His Lordship seems, however, to have dreaded the effects of his own decision; for in one of his adjournments of the decision, we find him throwing out the following intelligible hint: " If the merchants," said his Lordship, "think the question of great consequence to trade and commerce, and the public should think so too, they had better think of an application to those who will make a law. We must find the law; we cannot make it." This important cause was decided June 22, 1772.

We must pass over a variety of other efforts made by Mr. Sharp, in favour of African slaves, while these trials were going forward. We must also be almost equally brief on the other transactions of his life during this period.

The zeal and ability which he had manifested in his controversy with Dr. Kennicott, as well as his personal regard to religion, and his unwearied philanthropy, induced his uncle, the Rev. G. Wheler, Esq. (so that gentleman chose to be called, as the son of a knight) to urge him to enter the church; with the promise of resigning a valuable living of his own in his favour. Mr. Sharp constantly declined this generous proposal, from a fear that he was deficient in the qualifications necessary for the function; for which, however, it should be added, he confessed he had no particular predilection. Distaste for the doctrines or discipline of the church was certainly no part of his motive in declining this valuable offer; for throughout life, though mixing with men of every sect, he retained that strong attachment to the established church which might be expected from his sober piety, not less than from his early associations.

Among Mr. Sharp's correspondents, on the great subject which now occupied his thoughts, began to be numbered, not only many eminent persons in Great Britain, but several leading characters in the United States of America, where his first publications against slavery had been extensively circulated, and had produced considerable effect. The Quakers, in particular, seconded his efforts; or rather had preceded them; for so long before as 1754, a public acknowledgment had been drawn up and circulated by the members of that persuasion in the United States, in which they declare their conviction that "to live in ease and plenty by the toil of those whom fraud and violence had put into their power, was neither consistent with Christianity nor common justice." Shortly after this declaration, a general

emancipation of slaves belonging to persons of that sect, was agreed upon and begun.* The example was more admired than imitated; and, in fact, produced little public effect, till the proceedings in the English courts, and Mr. Sharp's diligent exertions, co-operating with the zeal of Mr. Anthony Benezet, a Quaker at Philadelphia, excited further attention to the subject. The progress of this affair accidentally connected Mr. Sharp with American politics; for the State of Virginia and other provinces having proposed to apply to the British parliament for an amendment of their laws respecting the importation of slaves, and Mr. Sharp being written to on the subject, he stated in reply his opinion, that the representatives of Great Britain had nothing to do with the internal laws of their States, in reference to which it was proper for them to address none but the king and his council. This doctrine had been acted upon in fact two years before, during the contest occasioned by the efforts of our ministry to impose internal taxes on the colonies. But it had hitherto been applied only to cases of revenue; whereas Mr. Sharp now brought it forward as a general principle; and his arguments, as might be expected, were highly agreeable to the prevailing temper of the colonies. Copies of his letter were widely circulated; and tended greatly to strengthen the feeling of the Americans, with regard to the independence of their respective assemblies on the British parliament. It was about this very period that Dr. Franklin mentions in a letter, dated Dec. 2, 1772, that in a conversation with Lord Dartmouth, he had remarked to his Lordship, that he "might observe that petitions came no more from America to the parliament, but to the king only."

Our readers will be inclined to judge of Mr. Sharp's conduct on this great question, partly according to their private sentiments as to the doctrine itself which he advanced, partly in connexion with its consequences in the dismemberment of the American colonies, and partly with reference to the nature of the duty of patriotism, and how far it ought to have influenced Mr. Sharp to suppress opinions, which, whether right or wrong, were hostile to the interests, or at least to the measures, of his own country. These points we shall leave them to debate at their leisure; while we proceed to state what was the principle which uniformly actuated Mr. Sharp in all political as well as moral questions. It was simply this, to ascertain to the best of his judgment what was abstractedly right, and to act upon it without

** The late Mr. West, the venerable president of the Royal Academy, informed our author that his father, a Pennsylvanian Quaker, was the first person who liberated his slaves, about twenty years previously to the above declaration.

any reference to consequences or expediency. We find him thus stating his views in a letter some years after (1781) to Lord Carysfort: "This is the compendium or sum total of all my politics; so that I include them in a very small compass: I am thoroughly convinced that right ought to be adopted and maintained on all occasions, without regard to consequences, either probable or possible; for these, when we have done our duty as honest men-must after all be left to the disposal of Divine Providence, which hath declared a blessing in favour of right. 'Blessed are the keepers of judgment, and he that doeth righteousness at all times.""

But those who least approve of Mr. Sharp's politics will admire that disinterested integrity which led him, though placed in a subordinate station in the employment of government, to state fearlessly, yet modestly, and with an urbanity which never forsook him, his principles and convictions on some important subjects in which he conscientiously felt it his duty to differ in opinion from his superiors. We have seen his disinterested conduct on the slave question; and the American war put his principles to a new trial. We find among his papers a minute dated July 28, 1775, in which he says, "Large demands of ordnance stores being ordered to be got ready with all expedition, I thought it right to declare my objections to being in any way concerned in that unnatural business, and was advised by Mr. Boddington to ask leave of absence for two months, as the board would take it more kindly than an abrupt resignation." This indulgence was readily granted, and was renewed from time to time in deference to his conscientious scruples for nearly two years; his superiors feeling such high esteem for his character, and confidence in his abilities, that they were unwilling to relinquish his services till the progress of the war rendered it absolutely necessary, in order to supply his place. He offered his whole salary, during his absence, to be divided among his colleagues.

Mr. Sharp was now entirely destitute; for he had expended the remains of his paternal inheritance, and the emoluments of his office, in acts of bounty. But the affectionate attachment of his brothers, all of whom were now prosperous in life, brought them instantly around him with the most delicate and liberal offers of permanent assistance. The mutual affection and benevolence of the whole family induced them to consider the presence of Mr. Granville Sharp as an inmate under any one of their roofs, as a desirable accession to their circle; in addition to which, his brothers placed an annual sum of money at his disposal, which they soon afterwards commuted for a fixed capital instead of income, in order to preclude any feelings of con

ditional dependence upon their bounty. Their letters, on his quitting his office, are a delightful specimen of family harmony. "I will now speak for my brother William, as well as myself (says James); we are both ready and willing, and, God be thanked, at present able, to take care that the loss of this official station shall be none to you, and all that we ask in return is, that you will continue to live among us as you have hitherto done, without imagining that you will be burdensome to us; and also without supposing that it will then be your duty to seek employment in some other way of life; for if we have what is needful amongst us, it matters not to whom it belongs." To which William adds, in a postscript, "Dear Granville, I most heartily approve of what my brother has written above, and I hope you will think of the matter as we do." This offer Mr. Sharp accepted; and continued to share the table and the purse of his excellent brothers for several years, till some bequests, and other circumstances, restored him to independence.

Thus disengaged from official duties, he began to devote himself more than ever to literary pursuits. The works which he had hitherto written, in addition to several on the slave question, were his answer to Dr. Kennicott, a Tract on Vocal Music;* another on the Pronunciation of the French and English Languages; another on the Encroachments of the River Thames; Remarks on several important Prophecies;" a publication

* Mr. Sharp's family were naturally and scientifically musical. Mr. Sharp himself could both sing and play at sight with great facility. His musical barge on the Thames was frequented by some of the principal amateurs of that art; and was often visited by persons of great literary and political celebrity. The late king himself honoured Mr. Sharp with his presence on one of these occasions; and the visits of other members of the Royal family, and of the nobility and foreign ambassadors, were very frequent. After the death of one of the brothers (James) the survivors felt no pleasure in their customary excursions, and put up the barge for sale by auction, but bought it in and had it broken up, from an apprehension that it would be converted to a sort of tavern on the water. Mr. Shield, the master of his Majesty's band of musicians, speaks in the highest terms of Mr. Sharp's Tract on Vocal Music. The method proposed by Mr. Sharp of hitting the distances in singing he considers as perfectly original, never having been able to meet with it in any other musical treatise. It consists simply in using a known note as a sort of stepping stone to one unknown; for instance, if the student, on a note being sounded, cannot readily sound a third to it, let him suppose the intervening note; to find the tone of a seventh let him suppose the octave next to it; to hit a sixth let him first touch softly (or rather silently) upon the fifth, &c. We shall not contend against Mr. Shield that the rule is not original; but we believe that many, perhaps most, singers will find themselves almost instinctively doing something of the kind in practice. It may be proper to add in this note that Mr. Sharp's musical gratifications were dedicated to devotional purposes. He was particularly attached to sacred music; and would frequently walk from Fulham to St. Paul's to attend the cathedral service. He would sometimes playfully sign himself by a musical pun